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[Conferences]: Australian Labor Party 34th National Conference 1981



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AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY

34th--National Conference 1981

Contents

Decisions

Minutes

Transcript

3at

ij. I10 - ., Australian

Labor Party Decisions- of 1981 National Conference

As approved by 34th National Conference, Melbourne, 1981

© Copyright A.L.P. National Executive.

Printed by Canberra Publishing & Printing Co.

Preface

The 34th Biennial National Conference of the ALP, held in Melbourne in July 1981, was one of the most historic in the 80 years of the party's life as a federal body. Decisions were taken on a statement of principles, the structure of future

conferences and on the role of women in the party. -This booklet contains the new basic principles of the Party, which replace the former preamble and objective contained in the platform, constitution and rules. It also contains the changes to the rules of the party made necessary by the decisions of the conference.

The Melbourne Conference also approved a new formula for the representa-tion of State Branches at National Conferences, based on the number of federal electorates in each State. Next year's conference, planned for Canberra, will almost double in size to 99 as a result of this decision.

Future conferences will also guarantee a greater role for women in the supreme policy-making body of the party. At least 25 per cent of State delegations to National Conferences will be required to be women.

The Melbourne conference was both historic and highly successful. The constructive and co-operative spirit in which delegates dealt with the important agenda items was a further sign that the party is now on a sure course for victory at the 1983 federal elections.

N.K. WRAN

National President

R.F. McMULLAN National Secretary

Contents

Page

Address by National President of the ALP, Mr N.K. Wran, QL, MA

Address by Federal Parliamentary Leader, Mr Bill Hayden, MP

Addres by State Parliamentary Leader, Mr Frank Wilkes, MLA 15

Basic principles of the ALP 20

Rules of the ALP 23

Decisions of the 1981 National Conference 28

Presidential Address

by the Hon. N. K. Wran, QC, MP to the Australian Labor Party 34th Biennial National Conference

Melbourne 27 July 1981

It is now 12 years since the Australian Labor Party last met in this great city of Melbourne for its national conference. They have been the 12 most tumultuous years in the political history of our country and our Party -years of a great resurgence, a crowning triumph, a massive disaster and

now, once again recovery and resurgence. The 1969 Melbourne conference was one of the milestones in the Party's long history. And certainly one of its most successful. It was the first Conference to be held within the framework of the new rules which broadened and strengthened its representation, especially in regard to the role of the parliamentary parties, Federal and State.

It marked a transformation in the nature and spirit of our conferences. There was a new determination on the part of all delegates to bring a spirit of cooperation and constructiveness to the decision-making

processes of the Party's supreme body, and there is no doubt that this new spirit as much as the actual policy decisions of Conference — laid the foundations for our massive gains in the 1969 elections, which in turn laid the foundations for the return of the Whitlam Labor Government in

1972. Delegates, there is a deeply encouraging parallel to be drawn between the last Melbourne conference and this. Electorally, our prospects are already well ahead of 1969. As a result

of the superb campaign led by Bill Hayden we no longer have to overcome the huge gap which proved just a little too much in 1969, and again in 1980. Indeed the report on the last Federal elections by the retiring

National Secretary, David Combe, shows that in terms of votes we came far closer to actual victory than the gains in seats show, hefty as they were. Perhaps as few as 6,000 votes, distributed over 20 electorates, made

the difference. And what that means is that 1980 created a whole new range of marginal seats across Australia, in every State. We are once again within striking distance of victory, and I firmly believe that we are poised for one of the great historic victories, and the formation of the Hayden Labor Government in 1983.

And our tasks as delegates to this conference, representing as we do not only the membership of Australia's oldest and greatest political party

but the hopes of the majority of the Australian people, is to make as great a

contribution to that victory as the last Melbourne conference did in 1969. Delegates, the nature of the agenda before us ensures of itself that this

will be an historic conference. For the first time since 1957 the conference is to review the party's Objective. For the first time since 1967 the conference is to review the party structure of rules of representation.

I think we should all be very clear in our minds what the nature and purpose of the task before us really is. It should hardly be necessary to emphasise that we are a political party, formed for and existing for quite specific, positive and concrete purposes.

Politics is not theology and policies are not semantics. We are not here as a College of Cardinals or a Council of Trent. The definition of the Objective is an important signpost. But it is the specific policies of the party — the things we commit ourselves to do in government — which make up the totality of the Objective, and deter-

mine in the final analysis whether the Objective, or any part of it, can ever be achieved. Change and reform can be achieved only by the formation of Labor Governments; there is no substitute for government.

The men and women who formed the Australian Labor Party 90 years ago understood this very well. They drew a sharp distinction between the definition of the Objective and what they called "the fighting platform". The fighting platform was specific and precise.

It set the priorities for parliamentary action. It set out the practical steps towards a more just, a more humane, a more equal society. And however much has changed, this practical approach remains as valid and crucial as ever, because it is founded on the one permanent principle of politics — that the achievement of government is the fundamental factor in achieving any part of the Objective or implementing any part of our platform.

And delegates, has there ever been a time in our country's history when the return of a Labor Government was so urgent and vital for the future of Australia?

And it is as important and vital for our party and the cause we represent as it is for Australia itself. Because delegates, this nation is now threatened with a fundamental, far-reaching and deeply rooted change in its whole fabric and direction.

For the first time in its history, Australia has a government which has set out in a deliberate and cold-blooded way to create and widen social and economic inequalities within the community.

For the first time in our history, Australia has a government which has set out, step by calculated step, on a massive redistribution of the nation's wealth in favour of the most privileged and powerful sections of the community.

The dismantling of the programs of the Whitlam Government is only the negative side of the thrust of the policies of Fraser and Fraserism.

Indeed in a very real sense it is the least serious and damaging side, for

two reasons. At least in New South Wales, where we hold the government, we have been able to mitigate some of the more savage consequences; and further, when we again become the government of Australia we will be able to restore the most important programs, indeed in an improved and more effective form, drawing on the experience we gained in 1972-75.

But the consequences of the positive policies of Fraser and Fraserism — the economic policies deliberately designed to deepen inequalities in the community — have more serious and damaging long term implications.

The redistribution of wealth which is the purpose of these policies threatens to become so massive that if continued for many more years it would be irreversible, by the normal constitutional means in which the Australian people have put their faith throughout their history, and to

which the Australian Labor Party is so deeply committed. And if Fraser and the forces of power and privilege which he serves believe that policies of gross reaction, the deliberate creation of unemployment, the deliberate creation of wider and wider inequalities, can be imposed in a community like ours, without disruption or deep alienation, let them contemplate the fires and blood of Brixton and

Merseyside. There is no greater or crueller myth than that these policies of inequality and special privilege are being pursued for the sake of so-called "smaller government", or tax reform.

The figures explode the myth and show the true nature and purpose of Fraser and Fraserism. Federal government expenditure as a proportion of Gross Domestic Product has risen from 23'/2 percent in 1975/76 to 25 1 /2 percent in 1980/81. This increase represents an increase of $2'/2 billion.

Income tax for wage and salary earners as a percentage of total commonwealth taxation: in 1975/76, 41.7 percent; in 1980/81, 43.5 percent. Since 1975/76 Commonwealth income tax collections from wage and salary earners has risen by 101 percent, that is, more than doubled.

But over the same period wages have risen only by 65 percent. By the self-proclaimed goals of Fraserism — smaller government and lower taxes — it has been an abject failure. There has been no reduction in the size of government, no reduction

in the level of government spending or in the level of taxation. All that has happened is that there has been a massive transfer of resources from one section of the community to another — in a word, a deliberate return to policies which make for the growth of inequalities in the Australian community.

And it is clear that this process of wealth redistribution in favour of the few is only in its early stage. From here on, if the policies of Fraser and Fraserism are allowed to continue, it can only deepen and accelerate, to become entrenched and irreversible.

Each year that passes would make Labor's task of restoring Australia to the path of equality more and more difficult. It has been left to Sir Charles Court to assert that Fraser is a threat to the preservation of the Australian Federation.

To that I add that he is the greatest threat to the preservation of

Australian parliamentary democracy Australia has ever known. The sabotage of 1975 could be merely the prelude to the long term and irrecoverable destructiveness of his policies. Delegates, we have to make especially sure, both as a party and as a

movement, that the Australian people learn the real lesson, the real meaning, behind events like those of last week. There could be no clearer example of the consequences of the con-frontationist and divisive policies of Fraser and Fraserism.

In all recent national disputes, the present Prime Minister has adopted this tactic of letting matters run to the precipice of chaos, by refusing to allow negotiation: then, just when the parties look like reaching a settlement, the government intervenes with threats and provocation; and then the last stage before disaster — the last minute backdown. This

has become an all-too-familiar pattern — and it is threatening the cohesion of the nation. But it is not just the tactic of deliberate and melodramatic confrontation which is at the root of Australia's current industrial malaise.

Nor can it be adequately explained by the growing inadequacy and irrelevance of much of Australia's industrial and arbitral system and its machinery, including the structure and performance of the trade unions.

These are all part of the cause — but just that — only part of the cause. Underlying everything, and at the very bottom of this continuing sickness, are the policies of Fraser and Fraserism, the drive towards a massive redistribution of the nation's wealth to promote privilege and entrench inequality.

And there will never be any real prospect of industrial harmony or industrial sanity as long as these policies continue. And the industrial movement itself should learn the real lesson of last week — that no short term gain has any real or lasting value whatsoever, if

it is gained at the price of entrenching Fraser and Fraserism, by handing him propaganda victories. No conference like this, which is to discuss aspects of Labor's repre-sentation machinery, could ignore the role of the trade union movement,, within the party and within the nation.

I have stated on every appropriate occasion, and I repeat on this most appropriate of all possible occasions, my fundamental conviction that the links between political Labor and industrial labor, between the Australian Labor Party and the Australian labor movement, are un-severable.

And speaking as Premier of New South Wales, I have no hesitation in saying that not the least reason for the continuing strength of the party in New South Wales, forming governments for 30 out of the last 40 years, has been the closeness and strength of the connection between the political party, the parliamentary party, and the industrial wing.

But equally, as Premier of New South Wales, I have had no hesitation and will have no hesitation in denouncing union irresponsibility, inadequate leadership, sectional selfishness, disloyalty to other trade unionists, as so often occurs in demarcation disputes, union factionalism and sometimes sheer bloodymindedness and pigheadedness — whenever these things occur, as we all know they do occur.

And the very provocation of the Fraser Government and the

disastrous nature of its discriminatory policies, far from releasing the union movement and individual trade unionists or groups within trade unions from their responsibility to the wider Australian community, imposes a need now, more than ever before, for responsibility and leadership of the highest order.

And above all, actions which damage the prospects of the return of a national Labor Government, represent the most serious damage that the Australian trade union movement could ever do to itself, because no section of the Australian nation is so threatened, and has so much to lose by the survival of Fraser and Fraserism.

It would be the greatest tragedy ever to have befallen this nation and this party, representing as it does the best hopes and aspirations of the nation — if anything were allowed to halt the great drive to victory in 1983 and the formation of another great Australian Labor Government — the

Hayden Labor Government. I said at the outset that we were now better placed to achieve that government than we were when we met in Melbourne in 1969. And perhaps even more significant and encouraging is the fact that

we are better placed to form a better government than we were in 1969. Our chief parliamentarians, the men and women who will form the

next Labor Government, have never had to suffer the dreadful debilitation and demoralisation of those seemingly endless wilderness years of the 50's and 60's. When we came in in 1972 no one had ever been a Minister.

Today, as well as our parliamentary leaders and senior frontbenchers with high Ministerial experience, we have men and women at the very peak and prime of their careers, who, from their stature, already vast experience and proven ability, will together, beyond question, form the

most vigorous, able and experienced Ministry Australia has ever known. Delegates, as I see it, we have before us at this conference two principal tasks and responsibilities.

The first is the specific task of dealing with the matters on the agenda, matters of quite historic importance. The other, broader task is to ensure that the matter and manner of our deliberations should be of an order commensurate with the expectations and aspirations of the people we are privileged to represent.

And as I said before, in a wider sense, we do not only represent the members of the Australian Labor Party or the Branches that sent us here.

The Australian Labor Party does not belong to us alone. Our cause is too great, our history too long, our support too diverse, our responsibilities too high for that to be true of any small group of men and women, however active, however dedicated, however strongly-motivated by deep principles and cherished convictions.

We are only the temporary custodians for a mighty cause and the .representatives of the best hopes of millions of our fellow Australians. If we bring to this conference a recognition of that fact and bring to our deliberations that spirit, then I believe that this conference will have

an honoured place in the long, enduring and honourable annals of our

great party; and that we ourselves will have earned a very precious reward

— the privilege of having served the Australian Labor Party and through it, the people of our great country.

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Federal Parliamenta ry Leader, Mr Bill Hayden, and Deputy Leader, Mr Lionel

Bowen, at the National Conference.

6

Address by

Bill Hayden, MP, Parliamentary Leader to the Australian Labor Party 34th Biennial National Conference

Melbourne 27-29 July 1981

Two years ago, in Adelaide, I had the privilege of addressing the National Conference of our party for the first time as Federal Parliamentary Leader. It was a different time, and a quite different conference, because we

were still in the process of trying to believe in ourselves again after the disasters of 1975 and 1977. Yet it was a conference I will not easily forget, and neither will many of you.

I' m now privileged to address you again, though in quite different circumstances. Privileged because, to lead the Australian Labor Party at any time, is an experience that — irrespective of personal or party success — only my

12 predecessors in the 80 years since our nation's federation could really understand. Privileged also because, during the two years since the Adelaide Con-ference, we have made significant gains on the road back to national government. Gains in the sweeping regeneration of our standing with the

Australian people. And gains in our confidence, in our morale, in our performance, and in our own self-respect in terms of what we stand for, and in the relevance of what we, as a party, are seeking to achieve for the future of our country and for our fellow Australians.

In my view, our political self-respect, and a clear belief in the relevance of our objectives, are utterly fundamental to our future success. I would argue that more such stiffening of the backbone among some of us in the run-up to last year's election might well have strengthened our campaign effort in the months beforehand.

Whatever the case, the elections last October re-established our credentials as a relevant and viable political alternative. We now have a new momentum and a new belief in ourselves. We are poised to win office, at least so far as the numbers and the percentages are

concerned. The rest is now a matter for our common sense, our discipline, and our courage. If we apply our renewed confidence and belief in ourselves to our policies, and if we then fight tooth and nail and without apology for those

policies, then I have little doubt we will win national government in two years time, and win comfortably.

But it will take nothing less than that, and possibly a good deal

more. Nobody for a minute should think we have only to sit on our bums holding ourselves safely together, with one eye on the opinion polls, and government will fall into our lap.

Just as nobody should belive that, because a swing of only two percent to Labor will topple another 18 Government seats, then all we have to do is to let Malcolm Fraser mismanage his way out of office. It isn't going to happen like that.

Fraser is not going to repeat his mistake last year of arrogant com-placency until it was almost too late. He is an insensitive and incompetent Prime Minister, but he is not a fool, and he is not a political novice. And if the last election proved anything, it surely proved that we are not going to win office on Fraser's mistakes and the great damage his Government is causing this country's cohesion, and its traditions of equality and fair play.

We are going to have to win on our own merits; on the relevance of our policies, and on the strength and commitment of our advocacy. There can be nothing half-hearted about our efforts. Nor, I believe, can we ever allow the perspective of our ultimate goal

of national government to become distorted by factionalism, or by any loss of identity with our own rank and file. We are a party of the people, with all their warts and strengths, and our primary responsibility must be to the people, particularly our hundreds of thousands of loyal supporters.

Gough Whitlam never lost sight of that responsibility in his drive towards government in the six years before 1972. And neither, for the most part, did Calwell or Evatt in the lean Labor years of the fifties and early sixties.

Thirty-two years ago, Ben Chifley expressed it most lucidly and simply when he told a state conference of the NSW branch of our party... and I quote him .. . "The job ofgetting the things the people want comes from the roots of

the Labor movement, the people who support it. When I sat at a Labor meeting in the country with only ten or 15 men there, I found a man sitting beside me who had been working in the Labor movement for 54 years. I have no doubt that many of you have been doing the same, not hoping for any advantage from the movement, not hoping

for any personal gain, but because you believe in a movement that has been built up to bring better conditions to the people. Therefore, the success of the Labor Party at the next elections depends entirely, as it has always done, on the people who work". Chifley, of course, was speaking in his famous `Light on the Hill' speech. And what he had to say more than 30 years ago is as relevant today as it has ever been for the Labor Party.

I repeat: the success of the Labor Party at the next elections depends entirely, as it has always done, on the people who work.

In other words, we must rely on ourselves — on our own judgement, on our policies, on our own efforts, and on our own organisation and party rank and file. There is no short-cut. To a very large extent, that is what this conference is all about, the re-defining and re-shaping of our basic party objectives and party struc-

ture. It is a process wholly in keeping with our traditions of reform, and

our great principles of democratic socialism. In the same context, we must over the next year before our next conference consider carefully the crucial issue of reform of our electoral system. We cannot walk away from this matter any longer.

Five times in the last 27 years, the Labor Party won the national electionslof this country by winning a majority of the Australian people's votes; but in three of these five elections — in 1954, 1961 and 1969 — we did not win Government. That is a travesty of democracy.

Last year, in the October elections, we gained a fraction under 50 percent of the national vote, but we received only 40 percent of the seats. Our opponents' popular vote, on a two-party preferred basis, was less than half of one percent greater than our popular vote. Their parlia-mentary majority should be only one or two seats. Instead they have a majority of 23. That, too, is a travesty of democracy.

. There can be no argument that the present voting system has destroy-ed the principle of one vote, one value. There can be no argument that the present system is manipulated to assist our opponents to stay in office. As this system now operates, and on present electoral boundaries, we will have to win well over 51 percent of the popular vote at the next elections to defeat the Fraser government. And that, too, is a travesty of democracy.

The system is rigged against us. It is not fair, and it is not just, and it does not accurately reflect the will of the Australian people. . It is a system that must be changed, and we must be committed to changing it. How we change it, and to what electoral system we commit

ourselves, is a matter for future decision by the party. But I want to go on record at this conference, as a strong supporter of the system of multi-member electorates with proportional representation, a system that operates in many western European countries and has done

so for many, many years. I recognise the encouragement the proportional system gives to the growth of small parties. I recognise that we have always been opposed to such a development.. But I also recognise that the proportional voting

system is, by far, the fairest system yet devised in determining the wishes of a nation's people in their choice of political representation. In my view, that fundamental and over-riding fact can no longer be ignored by the Australian Labor Party.

To go on doing so is to perpetuate a system that will always operate to our disadvantage, and to the disadvantage of the Australian people. Delegates, our commitment to reform and to equality in the Aus-tralian community, be it equality of opportunity or in the voting system, is no longer seriously questioned, if ever it was.

What is less well understood by most Australians is our sense of direction in terms of the sort of society we see not just in two years' time, or five years, but in 20, 30 and even 50 years' time.-Our conservative opponents suffer from no such hang-up. They broadly promise the good life, without ever really explaining what they

mean except by slogans, while at the same time perpetuating that good life for a smaller and smaller privileged section of the community. Yet in every sense, government under Fraser — like his conservative predecessors — is a government of political parasites which creates

nothing worthwhile and has no vision of the future beyond the next

election. For more than 30 years, a succession of conservative governments has reaped political advantage from Australia's inherent wealth and good fortune. They have manipulated meat booms, wheat booms, wool booms, mineral booms, and now they seek to do the same with the much publi-cised development boom.

It is a totally sterile, static and reactive management of the nation's affairs. What we have to explain is that the objectives we mean to achieve by the continuing process of reform within our party are much broader than the political expedient of short-term electoral success.

A political party which opens itself to all the influences that it claims to represent must earn the trust of the community as a whole. A political party which shows itself able and willing to heed all the groups represented within it must obviously be that much more responsive to the community as a whole.

A political party which honestly strives for the fairest possible elec-toral system — a system that accurately reflects the will of the people -must earn respect from the people for its efforts to achieve fairness in all matters affecting the people.

Yet these reforms are, in microcosm, the revolution in mind and atti-tude that our society needs so urgently. Our aim must be to revitalise the Labor Party as a necessary first step to revitalising our society — a first step towards re-awakening Aus-tralians' self-pride and independence for which we were once so renowned.

When the Labor Party was formed 90 years ago, its aim was clear. For a minority of its people in those days, Australia was a land of bounty. One party was born when working men and women decided it was ti me for that bounty to be shared equally among all those who worked for it and produced it. It was time that the vitality and the initiative and the creativity of the Australian people should work for the benefit of the whole society.

Our history since those days is studded with the evidence of this self-reliance, this sense of fairness, this sheer energy: our system of universal suffrage; the development of our pastoral industries; the Snowy Mountains scheme; our conciliation and arbitration mechanisms; the development against all opposition of an indigenous car industry, and our

system of civil aviation; the establishment of a social welfare system that used to be fundamentally comprehensive and equitable. The Labor Party was involved in the whole of this process. We supported it. In many ways we were responsible for it.

Since then — and certainly since the Chifley days, except for a brief burst of creative energy between 1972 and 1975 — Australia seems to have gone into its shell. The energy, the vitality, remain. They are not talents that die easily. But they are latent. They are not being encouraged. They are not used. And our condition — present and prospective — is suffering as the

result. I' m convinced the reason for this that — except, as I have said, for three years of liberation in the 1970s — Australia has been administered by a series of vapid, timid, conservative governments.

10

I say "administered" deliberately. Australia has not been led or

stimulated or inspired by these governments. They have presided over events like the boards of directors of those antediluvian companies that are disappearing from the corporate sector. They have kept a cautious, unblinking eye on the bottom line.

It is why we are in danger of becoming economic fringe dwellers. It is why we have become so lethargic. letting others do our thinking and planning, grasping at foreign money, selling our resources at bargain prices.

It is why the managers of American capital were so delighted with our Prime Minister, welcoming him on his recent visit with the same pomp that Victorian Britain entertained Indian rajahs and for the same cynical purposes.

Britain allowed the rajahs in those days to keep their lifestyles and their domestic authority in return for their co-operation in keeping their subjects in order and ensuring a steady supply of cheap labour. Against all our traditions, against all our interests, we are letting history repeat itself.

The Labor Party must challenge this docile, cap-in-hand attitude. We have a choice. We know that in the short run, and with a bit of good luck, we can continue to be the passive recipients of limited reward from our wealth and our resources. We can carry on as bystanders, caught up in events and developments in which we play little part and over which we have little control. Or we can stimulate and draw on our greatest untapped resource -the energy and innovative skills of the Australian people. This reawakening will not be easy. I do not for a moment deny this. Australians have been encouraged for almost a generation to accept a demeaning and depressing cargo cult mentality. Nowhere is this better demonstrated than in our government's atti-tude to foreign investment, and its surrender of sovereignty over what should be our own resources. I do not have to explain to this conference how we are being skinned alive by present foreign investment policies — how reliant we are on foreign investment for capital resources, for new technology and for the development of new industries. I do not have to spell out to this conference what it costs our national income, and takes from our export earnings, to service this foreign equity. Thanks to the cringe mentality ofconservative governments, halfour industry is subject to foreign ownership and control, and the proportion is rising. Three out of every four dollars in foreign investment in this country is designed to take over existing Australian businesses and remove their profits from Australian hands. Two out of every three dollars of total company income is being paid overseas. I urge Australians to look at what is happening to our diamond industry — a fledging enterprise that has enormous potential.-The major shareholders in the Argyle deposit in Western Australia have won control of something like 800 million carats of diamonds in exchange for a simple declaration of intent to proceed to majority Australian ownership.

11

They don't have to commit themselves to a timetable to achieve this

stage. There is no penalty if they don't get there. What Australians will get is the minor benefit of profits from the mining of raw diamonds. Where the real profits lie — in processing and distribution — will be

left to overseas boardrooms. Once again, the national interest is to be subverted for the sake of a quick buck. This is no way to look after our country's future. This is no legacy to leave our children.

Our political opponents say that we have no choice, that Australia needs the open door, open-handed approach to foreign investment be-cause we can't mobilise resources of our own. This is only half the truth: a limited and tepid response from limited and tepid minds. We do have a choice.

We have an opportunity through some such mechanism as a re-sources rent tax on highly profitable mineral projects to reinvest in programs that we control and which we can use for the benefit of all Australians.

We can — through some such mechanism as a greatly expanded Aus-tralian Industry Development Corporation — bring together domestic capital for investment, again in programs which we control and which will benefit all Australians.

We can encourage individual Australians to invest in the develop-ment of our own resources by buying units in a Resources Development Fund. We do have a choice. And we mustn't let Australians be tranquilised out of it by the venal forces who, for the moment, run this country.

Let me give another example of the way the Fraser Government has thrown its wet blanket over the energy and vitality of Australians. A combination of circumstances should be forcing a fundamental rethink about the way our society is organised, the way people live and work, and the way they spend their leisure time.

Within 20 years, the proportion of Australians aged 65 and over will have risen to about 10 percent of the population. As new work techniques evolve, more young people will need more ti me to develop the more sophisticated skills needed to use these techniques, meanwhile the proportion of working-age people — between

15 and 64 — will remain more or less steady. What this means is that a growing proportion of the Australian people — young and old — will be dependent on the support provided by a static workforce.

The development and introduction of new technology will pose -are already posing — serious questions about the necessity or even the desirability of the traditional eight-hour day, 40-hour week work system.

We now have a choice about how we react to these developments -in our pension and family support programs, our education and manpower policies.

We can pretend that very little is changing. We can carry on abusing welfare programs as a tool of economic management — turning them off and on with every turn of the economy. We can close down our engineering schools, as Fraser has done, and cut spending on tertiary education, and close our minds to what the post-boom phase of our development will demand.

12

We can carry on prevaricating over retraining and manpower pro-

grams, and trust to luck to provide jobs on the fringe of our development. Or we can start now organising our future for ourselves — a future in which our young people are truly educated, our old people are truly respected, and all Australians are given the chance of productive employment and creative leisure.

It means that we will have to look more closely at such matters as our education and welfare programs, and the organisation of work. And that we treat them not as separate and distinct imperatives but as part of a co-ordinated preparation for a lifestyle that we can barely imagine.

We can look at this as a problem and run away from it. Or we can tackle it as a challenge to our traditional initiative and daring. I want to give you one final example of the challenge and the choice ahead of us.

Fora generation, our inventions and innovations have been exported because we have got used to the idea that their development was beyond our capacity. The Sarich engine is a good example. As we have grown dependent on overseas initiative to develop our innovations, so we have borrowed technology from others.

Under the regime of benign neglect of the conservatives we have been heading in the same direction as the British — living off the industrial fat of years gone by, our productivity declining and our opportunities for industrial diversity disappearing.

Once again, we have a choice. We can go on like this, buying the product of industrial research and development from overseas when it suits overseas interests to sell it and at a price that suits them. We can abuse our research and development support funds as an economic tool — turning them off and on as economic policy dictates and destroying those innovative projects that are publicly owned.

Or we can co-ordinate and actively promote Australian research and development as a necessary investment in a future that is ours. We can sit back and wait for overseas technology to come up with the goods, or we can do it ourselves as we used to do.

I mention these examples to demonstrate what the Labor Party means by reform. We're not sitting here at this National Conference discussing minor theological points about the way the party operates — a change of word here, new emphasis there.

We're here to make sure that the Party is in shape, infusing and mobilising all our energy and creativity. We're doing this so that we can give the leadership and inspiration to the nation that it has so badly lacked in recent years of Fraserism.

We have the basis in Australia of a decent and just society — a society that respects, and trusts, and honours, all its people. We have the basis here of a society of prosperity and progress -benefits that should accrue to all its people.

We can ignore this potential. We can wait for others to use it and take its benefits. This is the way of our opponents — jumping at shadows, constipated by inertia, waiting for the fruits of the efforts of others to fall into our laps.

Or we can do it the way our pioneers did it — with optimism despite• 13

obstacles, with a sense of comradeship, with pride and innovative spirit in

our creative Australian talent. This is the challenge before Australia today. This is the challenge of leadership before all of us in the Labor Party.

Former National Secretary, Mr David Combe, National President, Mr Neville Wran, and Senior Vice-President, Mr Mick Young.

14

Address by

Frank Wilkes, MP, Leader of the Opposition, Victoria to the Australian Labor Party 34th Biennial National Conference

Melbourne 27-29 July 1981

The Victorian Branch and I welcomed this opportunity to host the 34th Biennial National Conference. The Conference has addressed itself to matters of importance to the future of the Labor Party, both State and Federal, and the results will be followed with great interest.

I now believe the position will be clear in the minds of the Australian people as to where the ALP is heading as a democratic socialist Party. The definition of the socialist objective should by now be clearly understood to the point where future Labor Governments, both State and

Federal, can function within the parameters and priorities of its guidelines. We have acted to make our Party structure more democratic,

particularly in taking affirmative action to increase the participation of women. As far as the States are concerned, and Victoria in particular, the economic policies of the Federal Government have been a disaster.

New Federalism has been an abject failure. Under New Federalism, the Fraser Government has withdrawn the responsibility for providing essential community services and forced them onto the States, and told them to foot the bill.

In addition to that, the Razor Gang's cuts in Housing, Health and Education have further eroded living standards. In the current climate of severe Federal cutbacks to the public sector, state governments should be prudent in how they spend money. This is clearly not happening in Victoria.

The dog-like admiration of the Victorian Government to these policies has had a marked effect on the present economic situation in Victoria.

The poor performance of the Victorian Premier and Treasurer at the Premiers' Conference has further aggravated this situation. The Victorian Premier returned from the Conference with $335 million less than what he claimed was needed.

The Grants Commission said Victoria was entitled to an additional $55 million. The Victorian Premier went back to Canberra and returned with a mere $15 million, about 4% of what he had asked for and less than the hospital deficits for the last financial year.

15

The decline in our economic strength has grave ramifications in the

building and construction industry and manufacturing industry in general. People are leaving Victoria at an unprecedented rate of 21,000 a year,

because of declining job opportunities and the prospect of an insecure future for their families. Sound economic management in this State demands a clear statement of objectives.

The process of decision-making in the public sector is in urgent need of reform. Labor's aim is to maximise living standards for all Victorians.

We will follow a balanced and co-ordinated strategy for economic and social development. The regeneration of the Victorian economy, in order to create sufficient employment opportunities to get the 121,000 unemployed Victorians back to work, will of course, be a priority.

We see the continued cutbacks in public works spending in this State as a direct contrast to what has been achieved in N.S.W., by the extension of capital works spending.

One of the recognised methods of stimulating the economy is to maintain a high level of capital works spending, which in turn would revive the building and construction industry.

The Victorian economy is not the same as other States. It is not the same as the nation's economy. It has unique advantages and unique problems.

It would be our responsibility to maximise the advantages and minimise the problems. Our economic objectives would be translated into specific targets from major sectors of economic activities throughout the State.

These targets will be determined for sectors of the Victorian economy and will be produced by the joint effort of industry, consumers and employees. In November 1979, Victoria had 28. 1% of the employed labor force in manufacturing industries, which is substantially higher than for Australia as a whole, where the comparable figure , was 23.3%.

As a consequence of this concentration of employment in labor-intensive industries, Victoria has a large skilled workforce, which, coupled with the minerals boom, could have a profound effect on the structure of the Victorian economy.

It is essential that Victorian enterprise be given the opportunity of participating in the mineral boom, and that we re-structure our manu-facturing industry to encourage full participation. Industries such as clothing, textiles and footwear, will be under further threat, because of this and it is essential that there be a restructuring of the manufacturing industry.

It is here that we should be considering the need for better management of our resources. Our national energy and resources policy needs more urgent attention to ensure that it will meet our needs in the '80s.

We see it as our clear responsibility that any sale of our resources in the future would have to be in the best interest of the people of Victoria.

Our brown coal reserves must be managed so the Victorians receive the full benefit of this natural resource. 16

The present Government policy of entering into agreements with

four consortia interested in liquefaction in the Latrobe Valley places grave doubts on the future of our brown coal. I would want to make it clear that we believe that our interest is in balanced development, not development at any cost.

We see it as horrendous that States have to compete with one another to encourage overseas development by offering bargain basement prices for energy. An upgraded national policy could prevent this form of interstate auction.

The failure of the Federal Government to provide adequate funds for housing has caused serious problems in the home building industry in this State. We are concerned that manpower and resources are heavily under-utilised in this sector and in the absence of new policy initiatives by both the Federal and State Governments, the building and construction industry in Victoria will remain in deep recession.

The restrictive monetary policy of the Commonwealth Government and the unco-ordinated surge of capital inflow are a direct cause of rising interest rates.

The great Australian dream of owning a house has now become a nightmare for thousands. In fact, mortgagee sales in Victoria are rising at an alarming rate. What is needed as a matter of urgency is a moratorium on rises in loan interest rates, until the Commonwealth Government is able to provide stability of housing finance.

A moratorium on interest rates would help people overcome serious financial threats and prevent further erosion in the home building area. Public housing must be expanded, access to finance must be improved and a flexible mortgage repayment scheme should be intro-duced immediately.

A Labor Government would rationalise the structure of building societies, prevent wasteful competition and introduce trustee status to selected societies, as a means of reducing the upward pressure on interest rates by building societies.

These, of course, are all within the power of the present State Government. Unless steps are taken now, the 20,000 people on the Housing Commission waiting list and 15,000 homeless teenagers and many thousands of people living in caravans and sub-standard accom-

modation, will never have the opportunity of enjoying the security of a home. This situation is a reflection on the policies of Liberal Governments in this country and issues a challenge to the Labor Party on attaining government in this State.

The other matter I would like to refer this Conference to is an area of great importance to both State and Federal Governments — that of industrial relations. The lack of any semblance of a just wages prices policy and an

industrial relations policy by the State and Federal Governments is the principle cause of industrial disputation in this country. The Victorian Government has the unhealthy distinction of being the 17

worst employer of labor in the Commonwealth and its industrial relations

record in the public sector is consistent with that fact. Indeed, only the other day, the Federation of Construction Contractors said that "... investors thought of Victoria as the least favourable State in which to invest, because of its disastrous industrial relations."

The Liberal Government's industrial confrontation policies highlight their inability to act responsibly on behalf of the Victorian people's desire for industrial relations stability.

This Government pits unions against employers and community against community, instead of getting them working together. There could be no better illustration of these divisive policies than what we have witnessed during the past few weeks.

I am not going to endorse all the tactics that were used in recent disputes, but I fully understand the frustration of the people who are trying to maintain their standard of living.

Despite the restrictions of being in Opposition, the Victorian Parliamentary Labor Party has had considerable success in settling industrial disputes in conjunction with the unions concerned. A number of disputes have successfully been resolved following the intervention of the Parliamentary Labor Party.

Industrial relations is about people, but the Liberal Governments don't understand this. No trade union can expect a Labor Government to agree to every claim, but they can expect confrontation to be replaced with consultation.

We believe that most major disputes can be avoided and instead of invoking the Essential Services Act and waving other weapons at unions after disputes have caused disruption to the community, a Labor Govern-ment will act before they occur to avoid dislocation of essential services.

We will support the traditional policy of exempting perishables, lifesaving drugs and livestock. We would support union applications for the creation of special industry awards or agreements to cover Government and semi-government employees.

It is only through a partnership of unions, the community, the Government and business that we can bring prosperity to Victoria. We will provide a new approach to industrial relations.

Finally, Mr. Chairman, the Labor Party, both State and Federal, has an obligation not only to try to redistribute wealth in order to improve equality of opportunity, but also redistribute power.

Labor Governments cannot abrogate their responsibilities to govern on behalf of the electorate. They must recognise that one of the major reasons for distrust and alienation is a growing sense of powerlessness.

This involvement should be encouraged in both areas of social and economic development and should include local government, commu-nity organisations, trade unions, and representatives of the public service.

At the regional level, local and existing regional organisations should be provided with resources to encourage participation in the development of more effective regional organisations. 18

The Labor Party should be strongly committed to encouraging

regionalism as a means of decentralization of power. As part of this process, governments should be prepared to make resources available to community groups. Our policies must be clearly distinguishable from those of Liberal Governments.

We must distance ourselves from Liberal Party policy. The Victorian Government has failed to achieve sustainable balanced economic growth. It has failed to address emerging social problems.

It has failed to resolve industrial conflict. We have a broader vision for Victoria's future. Confidence can be restored. Victoria can be made great again. Only with a Labor Government can Victoria go forward. But victory will not be easy. We are fooling ourselves if we think the Liberals and the interests they represent will roll over and let us win.

It's the decisions taken at this Conference which will help us overcome that opposition and return a Labor Government, both State and Federal. I trust that on the occasion of the next national conference, we will be in a position to point out the achievements that have been brought about by the advent of a Labor Government in Victoria.

19

BASIC PRINCIPLES

A ORIGINS The Australian Labor Party had its origins in:

• the aspirations of the Australian people for a decent, secure, dignified and constructive way of life;

• the recognition by the trade union movement of the necessity for a political voice to take forward the struggle of the working class against the excesses, injustices and inequalities of capitalism; and

• the commitment by the Australian people to the creation of an independent, free and enlightened Australia.

B OBJECTIVES

The Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party and has the objective of the democratic socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange, to the extent necessary to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields.

To achieve the political and social values of equality, democracy, liberty and social co-operation inherent in this objective, the Australian Labor Party stands for:

1 Redistribution of political and economic power so that all members of society have the opportunity to participate in the shaping and control of the institutions and relationships which determine their lives.

2 Establishment and development of public enterprises, based upon federal, State and other forms of social ownership, in appropriate sectors of the economy.

3 Democratic control and strategic social ownership of Australian natural resources for the benefit of all Australians.

4 Maintenance of and support for a competitive non-monopolistic private sector, including small business and farming, controlled and owned by Australians, operating within clear social guidelines and objectives.

5 The right to own private property.

6 Recognition and encouragement of the right of labour to organise for the protection and advancement of its interests.

7 The application of democracy in industry to increase the opportunities for people to work in satisfying, healthy and humane conditions, and to participate in and to increase their control over the decision-making processes affecting them.

8 The promotion of socially appropriate technology and the monitoring of its introduction to ensure that the needs and interests of labour, as well as the requirements of competitive industry and consumer demand, are taken into consideration.

9 The restoration and maintenance of full employment. 20

10 The abolition of poverty, and the achievement of greater equality

in the distribution of income, wealth and opportunity.

11 Social justice and equality for individuals, the family and all social units, and the elimination of exploitation in the home.

12 Equal access and rights to employment, education, information, technology, housing, health and welfare services, cultural and leisure activities and the law.

13 Reform of the Australian Constitution and other political institutions to ensure that they reflect the will of the majority of Australian citizens and the existence of Australia as an indepen-dent republic.

14 Recognition and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including freedom of expression, the press, assembly, association, conscience and religion; the right to privacy; the protection of the individual from oppression by the state; and democratic reform of the Australian legal system.

15 The development of a democratic communications system, as an integral part of a free society, to which all citizens have oppor-tunities for free access.

16 Elimination of discrimination and exploitation on the grounds of class, race, sex, sexuality, religion, political affiliation, national origin, citizenship, age, disability, regional location, or economic or household status.

17 Recognition of the prior ownership of Australian land by Aborigines and Islanders, recognition of their special and essential relationship with the land as the basis of their culture, and a commitment to the return of established traditional lands to the ownership of Aboriginal and Islander communities.

18 Recognition and encouragement of diversity of cultural expression and lifestyle within the Australian community.

19 The proper management of Australian resources and protection of the environment, whether created by people or nature, to safe-guard the rights of present and future generations.

20 Maintenance of world peace; an independent Australian position in world affairs; the recognition of the right of all nations to self-determination and independence; regional and international agreement for arms control and disarmament; the provision of economic and social aid to developing nations; a commitment to resolve international conflicts through the United Nations; and a recognition of the inalienable right of all people to liberty, equality, democracy and social justice.

21 Commitment to and participation in the international democratic socialist movement as represented by the Socialist International.

22 Recognition of the right of citizens to work for progressive changes consistent with the broad principles of democratic socialism.

21

C PRINCIPLES OF ACTION

The Australian Labor Party believes that the task of building democratic socialism is a co-operative process which requires:

1 constitutional action through the Australian and State Parliaments, municipal and other statutory authorities;

2 union action; and

3 ongoing action by organised community groups.

D MEMBERSHIP AND ORGANISATION

• Membership of the Australian Labor Party is open to all residents of Australia who are prepared to accept its objectives and who have associations with no other political party.

• Australian Labor Party policy is made by National Conferences comprising the national and State parliamentary leadership of the Party, together with elected delegates from all States, the Australian Capital Territory, the Northern Territory and Australian Young

Labor.

• Party policy within the State and Territories is framed by conferences of delegates elected by constituent branches and affiliated unions.

• Policy within the Australian Labor Party is not made by directives from the leadership, but by resolutions originating from branches, affiliated unions and individual party members.

22

Rules

1. NameThe name of the Party shall be "The Australian Labor Party."2. ObjectiveThe objectives of the Party are set out in the Basic Principles as determined bythe National Conference. To achieve these objectives the ALP will act inaccordance with the Principles of Action and Progressive Reforms set out inthe Party Platform from time to time.3. Head OfficeThe Head Office of the Party shall be known as the National Secretariat andshall be established in John Curtin House, Barton, A.C.T.4. CompositionThe Party shall consist of branches in each State, the Northern Territory andthe Australian Capital Territory, (hereinafter referred to as State Branches).5. Structure of Party Organisationa. the Party shall function upon the following basis i National Conference;ii National Executive;iii Federal Parliamentary Labor Party;iv National Labor Women's Organisation;v Australian Young Labor;b. The National Conference shall be the supreme governing authority of theParty and its decisions shall be binding upon every member and everysection of the Party;c. the National Executive shall be the chief administrative authority of theParty, subject only to National Conference;d. the Federal Parliamentary Labor party shall have authority in properlyconstituted Caucus meetings to make decisions directed towards estab-lishing the collective attitude of the Parliamentary Party to any question ormatter in the Federal Parliament, subject to i at all times taking such action which may be possible to implement theParty's Platform and Conference decisions;ii on questions or matters which are not subject to National Platformor Conference or Executive decisions, the majority decision of Caucusbeing binding upon all members in the Parliament;iii no attitude being expressed which is contrary to the provisions of theParty Platform or any other decision of National Conference orNational Executive, ande. The National Labor Women's Organisation, the Australian CapitalTerritory Branch, and Australian Young Labor shall function inaccordance with the rules that may be approved from time to time by theNational Executive and subject to its control and jurisdiction.6. National Conferencea. National Conference shall consist of 100 delegates, or a number as near aspracticable thereto, comprised as follows:i four delegates being the Leader and Deputy Leader of the FederalParliamentary Labor Party and the Leader and Deputy Leader of theParty in the Senate;23

ii

delegations from each State consisting of: a the State Parliamentary Leader or his/her nominee as approved by the State Executive; b a base component of six persons; and c a supplementary component determined in accordance with 6 b. iii a delegation from the Northern Territory consisting of:

a the Northern Territory Parliamentary Leader; b a base component of one person; and c a supplementary component determined in accordance with 6 b. iv a delegation from the ACT consisting of: a a base component of one person; and b a supplementary component determined in accordance with 6 b. v One delegate from Australian Young Labor b. The supplementary component for each State and Territory delegation shall be determined in accordance with the following formula: i a base figure of 50 delegates shall be set and shall constitute the

numerator ii the total number of House of Representatives seats, as at 31 December in the year preceding that in which the National Conference is required

to be held, shall constitute the denominator; iii the denominator shall be divided into the numerator and the resulting dividend shall, in the case of each State and Territory, be multiplied

by the number of House of Representatives seats existing in that State or Territory as at 31 December in the year preceding that in which the National Conference is required to be held; iv the resulting product shall in each case constitute the supplementary

component to which the State or Territory in question is entitled, pro-vided that a fraction of less than one half shall not be counted for this purpose and a fraction of one half or more shall count as the next higher whole number.

c. No less than one quarter of the combined base and supplementary components of each State delegation shall consist of women ("the basic entitlement"), provided that where the calculation made to determine this basic entitlement results in a fraction of one half or more then the basic entitlement shall count as the next higher whole number, and where it results in a fraction of less than one half it shall count as the next lower whole number.

d. National Conferences shall be held in alternate years, the venue and time to be determined by the National Executive which shall have regard to the claims of all States; e. Special National Conferences may be held for specially stated purposes

and shall be called in the manner prescribed by these Rules: f. i The National President need not be a delegate to National Conference but where the President is not a delegate he/she shall have the full rights of a delegate except that of voting;

ii The National Secretary and Assistant National Secretary shall not be delegates to National Conference but shall have the full rights of delegates except that of voting. g. the National Secretary, after receiving instructions from the convening

authority, shall observe the following procedure for the purpose of establishing Conference agenda -24

i

give the following bodies three months' notice to send items to Platform Committees: State Branches, National Labor Women's Organisation, Australian Young Labor, and Federal Electorate Councils and Trade Unions whose State Branches are affiliated with

the Party in a majority of States in which they operate, all of which bodies shall have the right to submit items to Platform Committees. Bodies so submitting items to Platform Committees shall be notified in writing of the Committee's views on such items. ii send to State Branches and other bodies represented at National

Conference, Agenda and any other documents related thereto at least one month before Conference meets.

National Executive a. The National Executive of the Party, which shall be the chief administrative authority, subject only to National Conference shall be constituted in the following manner -

i two delegates from each State Branch except in the case of the North-ern Territory Branch and the Australian Capital Territory Branch which shall each have one delegate. Each State shall determine the method of selection of its representatives and may take any action

to secure full representation at all meetings of the Executive by proxy delegates when original delegates are unable to attend; ii the President, unless he/she is otherwise an elected delegate with full rights of a delegate, except that of voting;

iii the National Secretary and Assistant National Secretary shall not be delegates but shall have the full rights of delegates except that of voting; iv the Leader and Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor

Party and the Leader and Deputy Leader in the Senate; v State Secretaries who are not delegates to the National Executive shall be able to attend National Executive meetings with all rights of delegates except that of voting. b. i the National Executive shall elect the following officers: President;

Senior Vice-President; two Junior Vice-Presidents; who shall be members of the National Executive in accordance with Rule 7a; ii the President and Vice-President shall be elected at the first meeting commencing after May 31st in each year, and shall hold office until

the first meeting commencing after May 31st in the following year, but if any of them ceases to hold office before the latter meeting the National Executive shall elect a successor at the first meeting after he/she ceases to hold office; iii The National Secretary and the Assistant National Secretary shall be

the permanent officers of the National Executive, subject to good conduct, satisfactory performances of duty and adherence to the policy and objects of the Party. Their services shall be terminable by one month's notice by either party.

Powers and duties of the National Executive c. decisions of the National Executive shall be binding upon all sections and members of the ALP subject only to appeal to National Conference. The National Executive shall

i be the administrative authority carrying out the decisions of National Conference, and in the interpretation of any Conference decision, 25

the National Platform and the Constitution and Rules of the Party,

and the direction of Federal Members; ii convene National Conferences in accordance with these Rules; iii convene Special National Conferences when requested by a majority of State Branches for special purpose(s) providing that such purpose(s)

is/are National in character. The National Executive may also, on its own motion, convene such Conferences; iv meet at least four times a year, and at such other times as the Executive may determine, for the purpose of considering and determining all

matters that are properly before it. Subject to these Rules only State Branches, Australian Young Labor, the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party, the National Labor Women's Organisation and trade unions whose State Branches are affiliated with the Party in a majority of States in which they operate shall be competent to send matters to the National Executive. The Executive shall determine the time and place of all meetings. v initiate dicussions of any question of a national nature if a majority of

the Executive so decides. Special Meetings of the National Executive may be called at the request of half of the credentialled delegates; vi a the National Executive shall be competent to hear and decide appeals from any affiliated organisation or individual member

against the decision of any State Conference or State Executive alleged to be inconsistent with any National decision or matter; b where any member or affiliated organisation desires to appeal to the National Executive on a question which does not involve any

National decision or matter, leave to appeal must first be obtained from the State Branch concerned; c the National Executive shall hear and decide an appeal from any person seeking to be a candidate for Federal Elections against a

decision of any State Conference or State Executive affecting his preselection or endorsement, providing that leave to appeal is granted by the National Executive. Such leave to appeal is not to be granted except by a decision in which 10 members vote affirmatively.

vii have plenary powers to deal with and decide any matters which, in the opinion of an absolute majority of members of the Executive, affect the general welfare of the Labor Movement, provided that no decision of National Conference shall be abrogated under this rule; and viii in the case of any State Executive, State Branch or section of the ALP

acting or having acted in a manner deemed by the National Executive to be contrary to the National Constitution, Platform and Policy of the Party as interpreted by the National Executive, the National Executive may over-rule such State Executive, State Branch or section and/or may declare that same no longer exists, and shall set up in place thereof organisation competent to carry out the National Constitution, Platform and Policy of the ALP. Pending the hearing of any appeal, the decision of the National Executive shall operate. In the event of the National Executive taking any action under this sub-clause, the National Executive shall be the body to approve any selection which otherwise would have been made by the body affected by the National Executive decision. 8. Duties of President

The President, when available, shall attend and preside over all meetings of 26

the National Executive and conduct such meetings on the basis of the

Standing Orders as applicable to National Conference. The President may carry out any other duties that the Executive may deem fit.

9. Duties of Vice-President The Vice-Presidents, in order of seniority, shall take the Chair in the absence of the President, and shall perform any other duties that may be referred to them by the Executive.

10. Finance a To meet the general expenses of the Party, each State Branch shall pay each year, to the National Executive through the National Secretary, a sum representing a rate per thousand adult members, and a rate per

thousand pensioner and student/junior members. The total due shall be paid in four quarterly instalments on 1 January, 1 April, 1 July and I October. The National Executive shall have the power to fix sustentation fees; b in the event of a State Branch being six months in arrears in its contribu-

tions to the Party, the National Executive may decide that such Branch shall not be entitled to be presented at any meeting of the National Executive or National Conference, or be consulted on any question that may be subject to a ballot of State Branches, until such arrears are paid; c the National Executive shall meet the total cost of fares and accommoda-

tion of all delegates, attending National Conference and recoup such costs from all States and Territories in proportion to each branch's number of delegates. d the National Executive shall determine and administer an equalisation

pool for travel costs associated with National Executive meetings; e the National Executive shall meet the expenses of the National President attending National Conference and the expenses of any officers associated with any duty being carried out on behalf of the National Executive;

f each State Executive shall pay to the National Executive not later than December 31st of each year the further sum of 0.21c per member for international affiliations or activities associated therewith; and

g the National Executive shall, from time to time, determine the manner in which the Party's accounts shall be operated including the signatories to the Party's bank accounts. 11. Platform Review Committee

The Officers of the National Executive, together with the Officers of. the FPLP, shall act as a Platform Review Committee and further act as a consultative body for the purpose of removing misunderstandings provided that no action shall be taken to disturb the constitutional functions of each body. 12. Federal Parliamentary Labor Party

a no State Executive may direct members of the FPLP in regard to matters affecting the National Platform or policy or upon legislation before the Parliament or any matters the subject of consideration by the FPLP; b the power of discretion, advice and/or guidance is reserved for the

National Conference and, between Conference, the National Executive; and -

c no State Branch shall approach the FPLP except through the National Secretary who will report to the National Executive on any action taken.

27

DECISIONS OF 1981

NATIONAL CONFERENCE

That Conference is of the opinion that the selection of delegates from each State to National Conference and the National Executive be by a system of proportional representation. That Conference directs the National Officers to discuss the implementation of the resolution with the Executive of the South Australian and Western Australian Branches to ensure implementation prior to the next Conference.

That the National Executive review and recommend to the 1982 National Conference any necessary changes to the composition and system of election of federal policy committees, noting the decision of the 1981 National Conference that women constitute 25% of State delegations to future National Conferences.

That Conference: (i) asserts is support for affirmative action to ensure greater representation of women in the Party structures and amongst its representatives at all levels of government.

(ii) Endorses the Guidelines for Implementation of an Affirmative Action Programme in the ALP. June 1981, produced by the Working Party on Affirmative Action, drawn from the State Women's Groups and requests each state and territory branch to implement an affirmative action programme in keeping with these guidelines. (iii) requests the National Executive to monitor regularly progress in each

State Branch and to report to each National Conference. (iv) That National Conference resolves in principle the appointment of a female assistant national secretary. To this end we direct the National

Executive to consult with Labor women's organisations in states and territories and the Status of Women Policy Committee, together with the State Branches re the appointment and financing of that position. That all Party publications and Party ballot papers be given an indication of sex by use of given names. That it be the policy of the ALP to investigate, instigate, and fund the provision of child care facilities at all conferences and large assembly meetings of the Party. That it be the policy of the ALP that all Party literature and publications should be free of sexist terms and sexist overtones: similarly all Party conferences, meetings etc. should be free of sexist comments, terms and overtones of any kind and all officers, MPs and members of the Party should be advised accordingly. That all national policy committees should include at least one woman to be responsible for ensuring that ALP policy includes women's interest. That an immediate priority task for the Policy Resources Unit of the Secretariat be to research into the voting behaviour of Australian women, with a view to considering electoral and policy responses by the Party.

"That all national policy committees should include at least one woman to be responsible for ensuring that ALP policy includes women's interest.

28

Printed by Canberra Publishing and Printing Co.

fl

I i

MINUTES OF THE 34TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY

HELD AT THE SOUTHERN CROSS HOTEL, MELBOURNE, VICTORIA, COMMENCING AT 9.30 A.M. ON MONDAY 27 JULY 1981

OPENING

The National President, Mr. N.K. Wran declared the Conference open and welcomed delegates and proxy delegates. He also welcomed observers including observers from the foreign missions representing other countries in Australia and the press.

CREDENTIALS

onal Secretary read the following list of credentials:

Queensland New South Wales

Dr. D. Murphy Mr. G. Richardson Ms. J. McGrath Mr. P. Keating Ms. J. ArdillMs. B. Robson Mr. J. McBean Mr. T. Uren Mr. M. Cross Ms. J. Burnswoods Mr. P. Dunne Mr. J. Garland Mr. E. Casey Mr. N.K. Wran Proxy delegate: Proxy delegates: Mr. I. McLean Sen. J.A. MulvihillVictoria: Ms. S. West Ms. P. Kavanagh Mr. R. Hogan Mr. J. Morris Mr. G. Crawford Mr. J. Faulkner Mr. W. Hartley Ms. S. Nori Mr. J. Cain Mr. R. Hawke South Australia Mr. B. Landeryou Mr. F. Wilkes Mr. A.S. BeggTasmania Mr. R.J. Gregory Ms. A. Pengelly Mr. P. Duncan Mr. D. Adams Mr. J. Wright Mr. J. White Mr. M.J. Young Mr. D. Lavey Mr. J.C. Bannon Mr. J. Green Mr. J. Coates Western Australia Sen. J. Hearne Mr. D. Lowe Mr. R.F. McMullanNorthern Territory Mr. T.G. Butler Sen. P.A. WalshMr. D. Elliott Mr. K.C. Beazley Mr. P.F. Cook Mr. J. Isaacs Mr. C.J. Jamieson Proxy delegate Mr. R. Davies Mr. J. Reeves Proxy delegatesA.C.T. Branch Ms. J. Gilbert Sen. P. GilesMr. M. Robinson Proxy delegates Mr. B. O'Meagher Sen. S. Ryan

Australian Young Labor

Mr. M. Smith Proxy delegates Mr. J. Shepley Mr. A. McInnes

Federal Parliamentary Labor Party

Mr. W.G. Hayden Mr. L.F. Bowen Sen. J.N. Button Sen. D. Grimes

National Secretary

Mr. H.D.M. Combe .

Mr. D. Combe moved: "That the credentials as reported to Conference be accepted and that the delegates as advised constitute the 34th National Conference of the Australian Labor Party."

Mr. M.J. Young seconded CARRIED

PROCEDURES

Mr.H.D.Combe moved: "That Conference limit its deliberations to resolutions of the 1979 Conference dealing with the Party's Objective and with recommendations of the National Committee of Inquiry, especially relating to the structure of the Party, and Rules items which may be submitted by bodies competent to place business before the Conference, and that the 1983 National Conference be brought forward to July 1982 to undertake a full review of the Platform. Subsequent Conferences should then be held biennially in accordance with the Rules of the Party.

Mr. M.J. Young seconded CARRIED

Mr. H.D. Combe moved: "That the Order of Business for the Conference be:

Monday July 27: Opening Address of National President Consideration of Objectives of the Party, debate to be concluded and votes taken by the close of the afternoon session.

Tuesday.July 28 (a) Debate on recommendations of National Committee of Inquiry re composition of National Conference and National Executive, debate to be concluded and votes taken by the close of the afternoon session.

(b) Federal Parliamentary Leader to address the Conference at 11 a.m.

Wednesday July 29 (a) Consideration of other business properly before the Conference Determination of Rule changes made necessary by decisions taken on Tuesday July 28 (b) State Parliamentary Leader to address

Conference at 11 a.m."

Mr. M.J. Young seconded CARRIED

- 3 -

;Mr. H.D. Combe moved: "That in respect of debate on the Objective of the Party, the National Executive's recommended "Objectives" be the key motion, and items submitted by State Branches, other bodies and delegates be taken as amendments to the motion in the following order:

a. State Branch items in alphabetical order by States b. Federal Trade Union items in the alphabetical order of unions c. AYL and National Labor Women's items

d. Amendments lodged at the amendments table in the order of lodgement."

Mr. M.J. Young seconded CARRIED

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That the debate on the structure of National Conference and the National Executive proceed on the following points in the following order:

1. Method and basis of selection of delegates 2. The size of the Conference and the Executive 3. The basis on which each State be represented

The order of debate in each of the above sections to be the National Committee of Inquiry recommendations where appropriate as the motion and amendments in the order of:

a. National Executive recommendations where appropriate b. State Branch items in alphabetical order by States c. Federal trade union items in the alphabetical order of unions d. AYL and National Labor Women's items e. Amendments lodged at the amendments table in the order of lodgement."

Mr. M.J. Young seconded CARRIED

The Senior Vice-President, Mr. M.J. Young took the Chair and the National President, Mr. N.K. Wran delivered his presidential address to the Conference.

Mr. H.D. Combe moved: "That the National President be thanked for his address to Conference and that it be incorporated in the record of Conference."

Mr. M.J. Young seconded CARRIED

Mr. H.D.Combe moved:"That the existing"Preamble to the Platform" and "Objective of the Party" be deleted and replaced by the following:

"PREAMBLE TO THE PLATFORM

A ORIGINS

The Australian Labor Party had its origins in: -* the aspirations of the Australian people for a decent, secure, dignified and constructive way of life;

* the recognition by the trade union movement of the necessity for a political voice to take forward the struggle of the working class against the excesses, injustices and inequalities of capitalism, and

B

* the commitment by the Australian people to the creation of an independent, free and enlightened Australia.

OBJECTIVES

The Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party and has the objective of the democratic socialisation of industry, distribution. and exchange, to the extent necessary to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields.

To achieve the political and soc?.E:'. values inherent in this objective, the Australian Labor Pa:tj stands for:-1 Redistribution of political and economic power so that all members of society have the opportunity to participate in the

shaping and control of the institutions and relationships which determine their lives.

2 Establishment and development of public enterprises based upon federal, state and other forms of social ownership, in appropriate sectors of the economy.

3 Democratic control and strategic social ownership of Australian natural resources, for the benefit of all Australians.

4 Maintenance of and support for a competitive non-monopolistic private sector controlled and owned by Australians operating within clear social guidelines and objectives.

5 The right to own private property.

6 The development of a democratic :_.integral part of a free society, opportunities for free access.

communications system a& in which all citizer •ly have

7 Monitoring the introduction of new technology to ensure that the needs of labour and society as a whole are taken into consideration, as well as the requirements of competitive industry and consumer demand.

8 Application of democracy in industry to increase the opportunities for people to work in satisfying, healthy and humane conditions,. and to participate in the decision-making processes affecting them.

9 Equal access and rights to employment, education, information, technology, housing, health and welfare services, cultural and leisure activities and the law.

10 Security of the family.

11 The abolition of poverty.

12 The achievement of greater equality in the distribution of income, wealth and opportunity.

13 Elimination of discrimination and exploitation on the grounds of class, sex, religion, national origin, citizenship, age, disability, regional location or economic or household status.

14 The right of Australian Aborigines and Islanders to preserve and

develop their culture through self-determination and the granting of land rights.

15 Recognition and encouragement of a diversity of cultural expression and lifestyles within the Australian community.

16 Recognition and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including freedom of expression, assembly, association, conscience and relig ion;, the right to privacy and protection of the individual from oppression by the state; and democratic reform of the Australian legal system.

17 The proper management of our resources and environment to safeguard the rights of present and future generations.

18 Reform of the Australian consitution and other political institutions so as to ensure that they reflect the will of the majority of Australian citizens and the existence of Australia as an independent nation.

19 Maintenance of world peace; an independent Australian position in world affairs; the recognition of the right of all nations to self-determination and independence; regional and international agreement for arms control and disarmament; the provision of economic and social aid to developing nations; a commitment to resolve international conflicts through the United Nations; and a recognition of the inalienable right of all people to liberty, equality, democracy and social justice.

20 Commitment to and participation in the international democratic socialist movement as represented by the Socialist International.

21 Recognition of the right of citizens to work for progressive changes consistent with the broad principles of democratic socialism.

IC MEMBERSHIP OF THE PARTY

Membership of the Australian Labor Party is open to all residents in Australia who are prepared to accept its programme and methods, and who have associations with no other political party.

Australian Labor Party policy is made by National Conference of the national and state parliamentary leadership of the Party, together with elected delegates from all states, the Australian Capital Territory, the Northern Territory and Australian Young Labor, and the party policy within the states and territories is framed by conferences of delegates elected by constituent branches and affiliated unions. Its policy is not framed by directives from the leadership, but by resolutions from the members within branches and affiliated unions.

Mr. J. Isaacs seconded:

AM

ENDMENT 1

Mr. Robinson moved: That the Objective of the Party read:

i^. OBJECTIVE

The Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party committed to the achievements of a truly equal, democratic and free society. To this end, Labor is committed to effective democratic control of the

economy, by means including selective nationalisation, new public enterprise and the regulation of private economic power.

i^.. GOALS OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM

The aims of democratic socialism are to achieve through political action and social control of the economy

3) Full emplo y ment and a rising _ceneral quality of .. life.

b} A just distribution of income and wealth, and the elimination of poverty.

c) Equal access to and full provision of social goods and services such as education, health, housing, • social security, legal services, cultural and leisure activities.

d) Protection of the environment, including respect for all animal species, and responsible stewardship of non renewable resources.

e) Social justice, respect for cultural diversity and an end to arbitrar y discrimination.

f) The protection and extension of democracy, both in the political sphere and at other levels of society, including the work place.

g) 'Freedom of speech, education, assembly, organisation and religion.

h) %. just and peaceful world order based on the principles of self determination and non exploita-tion, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

C. THE PATH TO DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM

Democratic socialism must be pursued not only in the parliamentary sphere, but must face squarely the dominant position of conservatism in the moulding of people's political and social values - through

the media, education system and other institutions. The path to democratic socialism will therefore be through:

a) The achievement of democratically-elects= r,ajoriLy governments.

h) . .Action to remove undemocratic constituticnai and

political obstacles to change.

c,

c^ _

t_.. . ^o s ac ^^ _ c , _o i.. ac's . popular uner- ^, and s u s . N c = - ^ n^_..^ a.^^ ' ideals Z 1C an d r?n D Y Labor's program, _ =' _ _ _ :' l :_ = _ i Y'_i:'_'SSSive me laments mange at all ter ___: o i sc e:y "1 'd: The assurance 3t raedoi'; of info rmatiomd`,' govern- ment t az:_;:..it r_.,. 1- - of ron 000iistic of he media.e, '3atienal economic lonn^ng L moans including udir_g sal_ _ -e s _ a l JC'nersh1p of leading enterprises and the monitorjna - o f ... ^eg«_uc=, the private sector.f) Action to minimise foreign ownership of Australianindustry and to ensure that control of theAustralian economy rests with the Australian people.g) The protection of small business and farming.h) The promotion of Labor values of justice, equality,solidarity, community service and the abhorrence of war.Mr. M. Smith seconded.AMENDMENT 2Mr. R. Gregory moved: "That the "Preamble to the Platform" and "Objectives of the Party" read:PREAMBLE:A. ORIGINSThe Australian Labor Party had its origins in:* the aspirations of the Australian people for adecent, secure, dignified and constructive way of life;* the recognition by the trade union movement of thenecessity for a political voice to take forwardthe struggle of the working class against theexcesses, injustices and inequalities of capitalism;and the commitment by the Australian people to thecreation of an independent, free and enlightened Australia.B. OBJECTIVESThe Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialistparty and has the objective of the democratic social-isation of industry, production, distribution andexchange, to eliminate exploitation and other anti- social features in these fields.

To ac;,.- •

e the ,-itical anu social values inherent in this objective, the Australian Labor Party stands for:

1. Redistribution of politi^.,l and economic p ower so that all members of society have the opportunity to

participate in the shaping and control of the institutions and relationships which determine their lives.

2. Establishment and development of public enterprises based upon federal, state and other forms of social ownership, in appropriate sectors of the economy.

3. Democratic control and strategic social ownership of Australian natural resources, for the benefit of all Australians.

4. Maintenance of and support for a competitive non-monopolistic private sector controlled and owned by Australians operating within clear social guidelines and objectives.

5. The right to own private property.

6. The development of a democratic communications system as an integral part of a free society, in which all citizen; shall have opportunities for free access.

7. Monitoring the introduction of new technology to ensure that the needs of labor and society as a whole are taken into consideration, as well as the requirements of competitive industry and consumer demand.

8. Aoplica on of democracy in industry to increase the opportunities for people to work in satisfying, healthy and humane con-iitions, and to participate in the decision-making processes affecting them.

9. Equal access and rights to employment, educates,... info r mation, tec=hnology, housing, health and welfare

services, cultural and leisure activities and the law.

1O.. That the foi lot .: -.ug amendments arrcr- cnF! original motion be referred back to the National Executive for consideration:

Original Motion : "Security of the Family:; 1st amendment "place 'Economic' before the word 'Security'" 2nd amendment "Security for all individuals and

the family"

3rd amendment "add 'and other social units'" 4th amendment "Economic Security for allindividuals, the family and all social units."11. Full Employment.12. The achievement of greater equality in thedistrih..L-ion of income, wealth and opportunity.

-

10

Membership of the l ^ , r r Aug 1 i, r^ j,z : , Party is open _-__a,l 1. ^rn ^^ a n T ; r_ _a_.-._.._ 1____-_ ,-_ _ _ -_ _ .. .. _ to •toive ,ional entary ed

pital Tian states delegates h ated ves from ars

Lions Out not be

NB: MISSING P.9

e Party read:.

to achieve the exploitation Itic social-ion and

-:ands for:-'_rol over the rnge and le major

)1 of :fit of all

3. Application of direct democracy - of self management - in the workplace and other social institutions as the means to rec?uce the power of individuals or groups over others.

-A. The right to work in satisfying, healthy and humane conditions.

- 11 -

5. The abolition of povert y, the achievement of

economic securi ' , anch decent living standards for all, and the ac:":ie Teinent of greater real equality in the distribution of inco:;i` and wealth.

6. Elimination of all aspects of racism in Aus-tralian societ y :-

-- the recognition of the right of Australian Aborigines to preserve and develop their culture through self determination and the granting of lan rights.

- the recognition and encouragement of diversity of cultural, expression and lifestyles as the basis of Austral;_an nationhood.

7. Recognition a-`. achievement of full equality between women and men in all spheres of society.

8. Access for all to education, housing, health and welfare services, cultural and leisure activities, and the laws as a basic right.

9. Reform of the Australian Constitution and legal sy stem so as to ensure that Australia's political institutions reflect the will of the majority of Australian citizens and the existence of Australia

as an independent nation.

10. Recognition and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including in particular, freedom of expression, assembly, association, conscience and religion, the right to privacy and the protection of the individual from oppression by the

state.

11. Safeguarding the rights to future generations through the conservation of resources and of the natural and historical environment.

12. Maintenance of world peace through an indepen-dent and non-aligned Australian position in world affairs, the right of all nations to self-determination and independence, regional and inter-national agreements

for arms control and disarmament, economic and soci ?1 assistance to the developing nations, and resolution of international conflicts through the United Nations

13. Elimination of the discrimination against, and exploitation of, handicapped persons.

14. Encouragement of diversity of lifestyles and higher living standards amongst Australia's rural population.

15. Recognition that people are fundamentally more important than money, profit, systems, malchines etc., and that this principle be paramount in the pursuit of our objective.

Princip

les of Action

Insert the f ollowing to the existing wording prior to last line.

"Support of and par ticipation with d emocratic mass movements Promoting progressive changes in conformity with the broad principles of democratic socialism.', Mr D. Adams seconded.

AMENDMENT 4

Mr W. Hartley.moved:

"That the sections headed 'General Philosophy of the Past y ' and 'Objective' in the National Platform be deleted and the following Statement of Objectives be substituted.

That in the rewriting of the 'Socialist Objective' and attached statements, the wording of the objective should be the original 1921 short wording - namely 'The Socialisation of

industry, production, distribution and exchange' -and that this objective separately stated should precede any other contemporary analysis of

Labor's philosophy.

STATEMENT OF OBJECTIVES

The fundamental objective of the Australian Labor Party is the realisation of a society founded upon the principles and value of democratic socialism -a society built upon liberty, equality and democracy,

in which everyone may freely participate in the shaping and control of the institutions and re-lations which determine their lives.

To this end, the Australian Labor Party stands for:

1. Control by democratic process, including where necessary, social ownership of the means of pro-duction, distribution and exchange.

2. Ownership and control of Australian resources by the Australian people.

3. Social responsibility for the abolition of poverty, the achievement of economic security and decent living standards for all, and the achieve-ment of a greater real equality in the distribution of wealth and income.

13 -

4. Social justice and equality in respect for every member of society, regardless of . sex, creed, race, national origin, citizenship, age or economic status.

5. Equality of access to education, housing, health and welfare services, cultural and leisure activities, and the law.

6. Reform of the Australian Constitution so as to ensure •that Australia's political institutions reflect the will of the majority of Australian citizens and the existence of Australia as an independent nation.

7. Recognition and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including in particular freedom of expression, assembly, association, conscience and religion, the right to privacy, and the protection of the individual from oppression by the 'State.

8. Recognition and encouragement of diversity of cultural expression as the basis of Australian nationhood, including in particular recognition of the culture on the basis of ownership of their traditional lands.

9. Safeguarding the rights of future generations through the conservation of resources and of the natural and historical environment.

10. Maintenance of world peace through an independent Australian position in world affairs, the right of all nations to self-determination and independence, regional and international agreements for arms control, economic and social aid to the developing nationa, and resolution of international conlicts

through the United Nations.

Mr. G. Crawford seconded.

AMENDMENT 5

Mr R. F. McMullan moved: "That the 'Preamble to the Platform' and 'Objective of the Party' read:

'ORIGINS:

The Australian Labor Party had its origins:

in the aspirations of the Australian people for a decent, secure, dignified and constructive way of life;

* in the recognition by the Trade Union Movement of the necessity for a political voice to take forward the struggle of the working class against capital.

0

0

* in t;: n , '. ec 1.: tc; _ wove the c_.c .-' i n ea.1)aIit_es f

c

- - -

apit

i'1 = =at1C SL _ 1--' t

1 t r _butic and ..:change.

* in the C cnn-. i, .0 ra IianDrc:_:^; o the creation ^.= i_. i :. ^ `s 1 , free an enl.—Lc ened Au OBJECTIVES :

The fund -a:cen._ :l ol:b :cti-.e of the Aust r : Tian La )r Party is t:: ?-. ,C_ai .0 soc: illsat J on c = Indus :y, Production, Distribution and Exchange. This w ' 1 create the breconditions for the reali; iticn o a societ`% iounid d upon the princip les c id valu 3•of democratic socialism -a society four.fed up o . the principles and values of democratic social.;m - a societ,, built upon liberty, equality, democr cy and social co-oreration in which ever y one may freely participate in the shaping and control of the institutions and relations which determine their lives.To this end, the Australian Labor Party will work for:The social ow nership and control of the means ofproduction, distribution, and exchange, so thatthrough economic planning the wealth of the nation maybe employed for the realisation of social justice free from the domination of privileged sectional interest groups by implementing:1. Australian ownership and control of Australian resources.2. Social res p onsibility for the abolition of poverty, the security of the family, the achievement ofeconomic security and decent living standards for all,and the achievement of equality in the distribution of income and wealth.3. Recognition and encouragement of the right ofLabour to organise for the protection and enhancementof their way of life, free from coercion and police surveillance.4. Social justice and equality of respect for everymember of society, regardless of sex, creed, race, national origin, citizenship, agc y , economic status or belief.S. Recognition that social justice and equality in-cludes the elimination of exploitation in the home,and the right of all family members to participatein community life, without undue responsibility for family rearing and hous e hold duties being imposed on any one of them.

- 15

6. Equality of acc .; to lucation, housing, health and welfare services, cul:;:::a.l and leisure activities, and the law, to be quar

advantaged groups and inc 2i ; i u:;.i.s by the pursuit of affirmative action pr.o.._;r .

7. Reform of the Australian Constitution so as to ensure that Australia's political institutions reflect the will of the majority o.c i'ustralian citizens and that Australian politics are conducted within a frame-work of free elections on the basis of universal adult

suffrage, and that Govern;,,.^,zt_s may be freely elected

and freely dismissed by the clect'orate, and the ex-istence of Australia as an independent republic.

8. Recognition and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including; in particular freedom of expression, assembly, association, conscience and re-ligion, the right to privacy, and the. protection of

the individual from oppression by the state. 9. The extension of •democr.atic principles into the work-place to provide employees with the opportunity

and the right to participate in the making of decisions affecting all aspects of their work.

10. Recognition and encouragrementof diversity of cultural expression as the basis of Australian nationhood.

11. Recognition of the prior ownership of Australian land by Australian aborigines, their special and . essential relationship with the land as the basis of aboriginal culture; and therefore the return of estab-lished traditional lands to the ownership of aboriginal communities.

11. Safeguarding the rights of future generations through the conservation of resources and of the natural and historical environment.

13. Maintenance of world peace through an independent, self-reliant Australian position in world affairs, the right of all nations to self-determination and independ-ence, regional and international agreements for arms control, economic and social aid to people in need out-side Australia, and resolution of international conflicts

through the United Nations.

ORGANISATION:

* Membership of the Australian Labor Party is open to all residents in Australia who are prepared to accept its objectives, and who have associations with no other political Party.

T

- 16 -

* The National Platform of the Party is determined in accordance with the Rules by the National Conference of the Party. Policy within the States and Territories

is made by Conferences of Delegates selected by the constituent branches and ffiliated unions. Policy within the Aasi.ralian La _ Party is not made by directives fr _rn '_ne lead ._ ship. The detailed structure

and organisation of the Party at the national level is as prescribed in the National Rules, and at the State and Territory level in the Rules of the relevant State or Territory Branch.

Mr P. Cock seconded.

AMENDMENT 6

Mr J. Garland moved: "That the 'Objective of the Party' read:

1. Objective

The Australian: Labor Party's objective is to achieve th,: elimination of all exp loitation including exploitatrn of class, race . n l sex th.rou jii the deri GCra J C sec al--isation of industry, production, distribution aryl

exchange.

B. Interpretation of Derrucratic Socialism

To this end, the --_l:SL.r• ball Labor Party stands for:-

1. Effective planning and democratic control over the means of Production Distribution and Exchange and where necessary the social ownership of the major

institutions in these areas.

2. Social ownership and democratic coi.troi of Australian natural resources, for the benefit of all Australians.

3. Application of direct democracy - of self management - in the wor :place and other: socia l

institutions as the means to reduce the er of individuals or groups over others.

4. The right to work in satisfying, healthy and humane conditions.

5. The abolition of poverty, the achievement of economic security, arid decent living standards for all, and the achievement of greater real equality in the aistrituti.^ ri of income and wealth.

6. Elimination of all aspects of raci,m in Aus-tralian society:-

-- -,1

L

-. tZ 1 j.

i q'_.,` .:J i v dnd develop their culture r. t.lrougc: se '- - -' : = and t -- n c' 0:1 she r,.r a zt ;1q of land r _ahts. - t--e r`c,og. it o:: ^;d enccu^a;erce^-1t of .^ L o^ diversity of cultural e, nr s i J7; and lifest y les as the basis of Australian nationhood. 7. Recognition and aC:iiOV " :mil'_ of full equalit y.

bet een :;ome= - _d :,_- _ u all spheres of society.

8. Access for all to eduction, housing, health an : e fore se:. _c=_ , cultural and leisure i ^° activities,

q-nd the 1<._s as a basicri7 ,t.

9. Reform of the Australian Constitution legal l _ r em so as to ensure that Australia's political fns _i tutions reflect the of of the majority of Australian citizens and the existence of Australia as an independent . . a =1o:_ .10. Reco_,nit c'1 and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including in particular, freedom of ex res ;Oil , assembl y , association,conscience and religion, the right to privacy and the prot e ction of =1: individual from op pre_ s sion by the s •--11. Safe uardli.Q ha rlcht? t o future generations through tr_ co : ervetton of resources and of thenatural and historical environment.12. Maintenance of ,;orldd peace through an indepen- dent and non-aligned Australian position in world affairs, the right of all nations to self-determinationand independence, regional and inter-national agreements fo r arm s con`ro 1 G n. _fisar,;,ament, economic a nd ' sccc .al -assistance to the developing nations, and resolutionof international conflicts through the United Nations.13. Elimination of the discrimination against, andexploitation of, handicapped persons.14. Encouragement= of diversity of lifestyles andhigher living standards amongst Australia s ruralpopulation.Principles of ActionInsert the following to the existing wording prior to last line."Supoort of and participation with democraticma ;s movements p romoting projressive changes-• in conformity with the broad principles ofdemocratic socialism."Mr T. Uren seconded.

- 18 -

AMENDMENT NO. 7

Ms J. Burnswoods moved:

"That the exploitation and excesses inherent in the capitalist system can only be removed by the reintroduction of the original Socialist Objective of the ALP - 'the social-

isation of industry, production, distribution and exchange'.

That special priority be given to the social-isation of the leading sectors of the economy (including natural resources extraction and processing, finance and information industries). Workers control to be an integral part of social-

isation. The principle to be reflected directly in electoral progra mes .

The Socialist Objective should include a statement to the ef^:ct that any system based on the exploitation of individuals within households cannot be truly egalitarian; in other words, socialism begins at home. Women cannot be expected to continue to contribute

the major responsibility for child care and housework; and to contribute economically to the household and community as workers; and to contribute politically as concerned citizens

as if their time is infinitely elastic.

That the section of 'Objectives of the Party' (B, Interpretation_ of Democratic Socialism) be amended such that after 'higher production', delete 'rising' and add the words 'an equitable' so that it reads:

'The economic aims of social ownership or social control are full err loyment, higher production, an equitable standard of living and social security'.

Ms B. Robson seconded.

- 19 -

AMENDMENT 8

Mr. W. Hartley moved

This National Conference declares that the ALP needs to be a working class party, which responds to the needs of the working people, which i.-claims firmly and proudly that the natilral riches and resources of our

country should be utilised for the benefit of the working people, not for the enrichment of local and foreign monopolies.

We are for a strong party that tares a working class stand on all issues, to work to win for the Australian people a proper share of the nation's wealth ex-pressed in constantly rising living standards, ensuring free education, free and adequate medical care, ample employment opportunities in occupations which give job satisfaction, com p rehensive social welfare, proper housing, and a cultural life that is

spiritually enriching, widening the horizons and understanding of the Australian people.

These ideals are impossible of achievement in a society that is dominated by local and international monopolies, ruthlessly weilding power and utilising that power for the enrichment of the wealthy few.

Conference declares that the iLP is for the equitable distribution of, the nation's wealth to the people and not to large multinational monopolies.

Conference declares that ever y puurson in Australia is entitled to the necessities of life and that the nation's production must be directed towards

alleviating poverty and lifting living standards.

Conference notes that the wealth of the nation can only be measured by the living standards of the people.

Conference reaffirms its commitment to end ex-ploitation by the adherence to and implementation of its socialist objective.

Mr. R. Hogan seconded

- 20 -

AMENDMENT 9

Mr. J. Coates -over,: "That tha ,:i rst four paragraphs of the Objective read:

nn _T t'r rr. T 17F'

The Australian Labor ' art:_y i a democra:ic socialist

party.

It believes in the .rc c e ;. o r ereb..ip and control of production, distribution e exchange, so that all Australians can enjoy .cent and secure standard of living.

It stands for an equal, der:ocratic, peaceful and just society in which. cvc ::••ori is free from exploitation, oppression and discrimination.

Its objective is to achieva its beliefs, by constitutional and democratic means by: - "

Mr. J. White seconded

AMENDMENT 10

Mr. J. Garland moved: "That the motion be amended as follows: After point 1, insert new point 2. National economic planning and selective- social ownership of leading enterprises in the economy. All subsequent clauses to be renumbered."

Mr. T. Uren seconded.

The following change to credentials was notified:

Sen. G. Evans to replace Mr. B. Landeryou

AMENDMENT 11

Sen. G. Evans moved: "That the following words be added to the second preliminary clause of Section B of the Socialist Objective: 'of equality, democracy, liberty and social co-operation'.

Dr. D. Murphy seconded

AMENDMENT 12

- 21 -

Mr M.

Robinson moved: "That in Clause 2 of the motion - Section B - the words `e stablishment and dev elopment' be deleted and the words 'extension and establishment' be inserted before the words 'of public'. After the word 'ownership' insert Delete the word ' a, ^ropriate' and replace tee word 'Particularly' so as to read • with the word 'strategic' 'Extension and esta blishment of. public enterprise based upon f ederal, state and other forms of social ownership particularly in strategic sectors of economy."'Mr M. Smith secondedAMENDMENT 13Mr R. Hogan moved: "That in Clause 3, Section B, of the motion the word 'strategic' be deleted and replaced with the word 'increasing' so as to read: 'Democratic control and increasing social ownership of A ustralian natural r esources for the benefit of all Australians"'_Mr W. Hartley seconded.AINIE _3DP .1ENT 14Mr D. Adams moved: "That in Clause 4, Section B, of the motion the words 'including support for small business and farming'be inserted before 1 e the word ope;_a:-.ing' so as to and supp ort f r - read: ' Ma intenance nLs e r n M for a c ompetitive nonr;,c;_: olistic controlled n d private sector ou,n c, by Aus era l i ;, 1 ;, , including support for smallbusiness and farming, operating _ clear i1, clea social guidelines ^^ and objectives'"Sen. J. Hearne seconded.AMENDMENT 15Ms B. Robson moved: "That in Clause 5, Section B, of the motion the word 'Private' be deleted and replaced so as to read: 'The right to own personal w propety'". 'personal'Mr I. McLean seconded..A M END MENT 1 5Mr J. Garland moved: "That in Clause 7, Section B, of the motion the following be added: 'The promotion of socially a ppropriate t echnology to enhance the capacity of human skills and to reduce d egradation of human labour'".Mr R. J. Gregory seconded.AMENDMENT 17Mr D. Lavey moved: "That in Clause 9, Section B, of the motion t he f ollowing be added: to he guar<_..;^te,,d to relatively disadvantaged groups and individuals by the pursuit of affirmative action programmes so as. to read: 'Equality of access to ed ucation, housing, health ' and welfare services cu ltural and lei_s.a be guaranteed to relatively ^ ^ re a ctivities and the law toaction ;;n^.a,ed groups and individuals by the pursuit of affirmative action p ca nines "' .Mr ^i. Barnard seconded.

- 22 -

AME`DENT 13

Ms J. Ardill moved: "That in Clause '.0, ctior: B, of the motion

all words after 'security' he daie'ccd and the words 'for individuals the family and all social units' so as to read: 'Security for individuals, the family, and all social units'".

Mr I. McLean secondedr -- -"~--~

Conference adjourned until 11.30 am.

AMENDMENT 13

Mr R. Hogan moved: "That Clause 11, Section B, of the motion be deleted and replaced with 'The restoration and maintenance of full employment and the abolition of poverty,'".

Mr G. Crawford seconded.

A1 E I DMENT 20

Ms B. Robson moved: "That in Clause 13, Section B, of the motion the words 'political affiliation' be inserted after the word 'religion' so as to read: 'Elimination of discrimination and exploitation on the grounds of class, sex, sexuality, race, religion, political affiliation, national origin, citizenship, age, disabilit y , regional location or economic or household

status'".

Mr I. McLean seconded.

AMENDMENT 21

Mr K. Beazley moved: That Clause 14, Section B, of the motion be deleted and replaced with 'Recogn.iLi.on of the prior ownership of Australian land by Australian aho i.gi.nes and Islanders, their special and essential relationship with the land as the basis of

aboriginal culture and therefore the return of established traditional lands to the ownership of aboriginal communities"'.

Mr T. Butler seconded.

AMENDMENT 22

Mr T. Uren moved: "That in Clause 1-7, Section B, of the motion all words after the word 'environment' be deleted and replaced with 'created by people or nature to safeguard the rights of present and future generations' so as to read: 'The proper management of our resources and protection of our environment

created by people or nature, to safeguard the rights of present and future generations'.

Mr J. Garland seconded.

• .es s y Z ^ 'v r ya' } fi t ^ ^v i.^J „^` ^... F wS^

• ^a.-.i. . 4 eS `^.^k( . . ^ ._. - ^'l 1T. ^.,. r fib . ^ ' ^ (. ♦ „y

- 25 -

ECOND SESSION

ference resu::.ed at 2.15 p.m. under Suspension of Standing Orders.

e following changes to credentials were notified:

Mr. D. Evans in place of Mr. R. Davies Ms. P. Kavanagh in place of Mr. J. McBean Sen. P. Giles in place of Mr. T. Butler Ms J. Gilbert in place of Mr. P. Cook •Dr A. Theophanous for . Mr. W. Hartley

following people spoke:

Lr. T. Uren :4r. J. Green Mr. W. Hartley Ir. M. Smith

Mr. M. Young Mr. B. Howe Mr. P. Keating Sen. J.B. Button

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr. J. Camilleri in place of Mr. G. Crawford

The following people spoke:

Mr. R.J. Hawke Mr. J. Cain Mr. K. Beazley Mr. W.G. Hayden

Dr. D. Murphy Sen. G. Evans Mr. M. Robinson Mr. J. Camilleri

Mr. G. Richardson

Afternoon tea was taken at 4 p.m.

Conference resumed at 4.15 p.m.

Mr. M.J. Young moved:"That Standing Orders be resumed."

Mr. R. McMullan seconded CARRIED

The following changes to credentials were notified:

Mr. Crawford to replace Mr. B. Howe Mr. Hogan to replace Dr. A. Theophanous Mr. Hartley to replace Mr. J. Camilleri Mr. P. Cook to replace Ms. J. Gilbert

Mr. Patterson to replace Mr. Barnard

The Mover of the Motion spoke in reply and indicated that he and the Seconder of the Motion were prepared to accept the following amendments 11, 14, 16, 25, 29, 18, 19, 20, 22, and 27, The Mover of the Motion also indicated that they were prepared to accept the first paragraph of Amendment number 2, prior to the words "to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields."

k

- 26 -

Mr. M. Robinson asked a question

Mr. T. Uren asked a question

Mr. D. Combe replied

Mr. M. Young moved: "That Mr. M.Cross be appointed to count the "yes" votes and Mr. J. Garland be appointed to count the "no" votes.

Mr. D. Combe seconded CARRIED

PROCEDURAL MOTION

Mr. D. Combe moved: "That ClauseB of the motion be put paragraph by paragraph".

Mr. M. Young seconded CARRIED

Clause B, first paragraph

Amendment number 1 put and LOST 2 for 48 against

Amendment number 2 put and LOST 22 for 28 against

Amendment number 3 put and LOST 10'for 34 against

Amendment number 4 put and LOST 13 for 35 against

Amendment number 5 put and LOST 22 for 28 against

Amendment number 6 put and LOST 15 for 35 against

Amendment number 7 put and LOST 0 for 50 against

Amendment number 8 put. and LOST 0 for 50 against

Motion as amended put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause B, second paragraph

Amendment number 9 put and LOST 40 for 10 against

Amendment number 11 put and CARRIED 28 for 20 against.

Motion put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 1

Motion put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 2

Amendment 10 put and •LOST 22 for 28 against

Amendment 12 put and LOST 20 for 30 against

Clause 2 put as motion and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

- 27 -

Clause 3 :

Amendment 13 put and

Clause 3 put as motion and

Clause 4:

Amendment 14 put and

Clause 4 as amended put and

New Clause 5 :

Amendment 25 put and

Amendment became the motion put and

Clause 5:

Amendment 15 put and

Clause of the motion put and

Clause 6 :

Clause 6 of the motion put and

LOST IS for 35 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

CARRT_ED 37 for 10 against

CARRIED 46 for Nil against

CARRIED 50 for 0 -against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

LOS T

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 7:

Amendment 16 put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 7 of the motion as amended put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 8 :

Amendment 29 put and CARRIED 40 for10 against

Amendment 28 was withdrawn

Clause 8 of the motion as amended put and CARRIED. 50 for 0 against

-

28 -

Mr D. Corrbe moved: "That the time of this session be extended until completion of voting on Objectives of the Party".

Mr M. Young seconded. CARRIED.

Amendment 17 put and

Clause 9 of the motion put and

Clause 10 :

Amendment 18 put and

Amendment 30 put and

Amendment became the motion, put and

Clause 11 :

Amendment 19 put and

Amendment became the motion, put and

Clause 12:

Clause 12 of the motion put and

LOST 19 for -30 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

CARRIED 42 for, 7 against

CARRIED 31 for 18 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 13 :

Amendment 20 put

Point of Order - Ms A, Pengelly - SA amendment (clause 13) should be dealt with prior to Amendment 20.

President Wran upheld Point of Order. no. 2

Amendment from South AustraliaA(Clause 13) put and CARRIED 34 for -10 against

Amendment 20 became redundant as covered by SA amendment.

Amendment 26 put and LOST

SA Amendment (Clause 13) became the motion, put and CARRIED 47 for 0 against

Clause 14 :

Amendment 21 put and CARRIED 40 for 10 against

Amendment became the motion put and CARRIED 46 for 0 against

-

29 -

Clause 15 of the motion put and CARRIED 40 for 5 against

Clause 16: no.2

SA Amendment (Clause 16) put and CARRIED 44 for 0 against

SA Amendment (Clause 16) became the motion out and CARRIED 44 for 0 against

Clause 17:

Amendment 22 put and CARRIED 43 for 0 against

Clause. 17 of the motion as amended put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Clause 18 :

Amendment 23 put and CARRIED 26 for 21 against

Clause 18 as-amended put and CARRIED 36 for 10 against

Clauses 19, 20 and 21 :

Clauses 19, 20 and 21 of the motion were put and CARRIED 50 for 0 against

Section C - Membership of the Party 5 headed WA AmendmentA organisation put and LOST 10 for 40 against Amendment 27 put and CARRIED 42 for 0 against

Section C (Membership o.f the Party) of the motion as amended put and CARRIED.

Principles of Action :

AMIWSU Amendment 6 put and LOST

Amendment 24 put and CARRIED 28 for 20 against

Amendment became the motion put and CARRIED 28 for 20 against

Conference adjourned at 6 pm.

- 3 0 -

— IRD S E SSION

a:. 27 ", !ul 1981

Conference resumed at 9.30 a.m. on Tuesday 28 July 1981

- CHAIR: Mr. V.K. Wran

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr. R. Hogg in place of Mr. G. Crawford Ms. S. Nori in place of Mr. T. Uren Ms. S. West in place of Mr. J. McBean

PROCEDURAL MOTION

Mr. D. Combe moved that the order of business for debate on the Committee of Inquir y Recommendation on National Conference be as follows:

MT: OD CF BIS AND SELECTION:

?ro:or1Cra1 __ rz_^. =tion

enc-:..ent No. 29 - National Executive

a u& .,t :No. 31 from Victoria ii_ted in the name

of R. Hogg (Clause 1)

A m enSment No. 40 in the name of Dennis Yurphy

(2nd and 3rd pares)

Amendment No. 47 in th,e name of Arthur Gietzeit.

S ecial Item.: i-IIme^! c'Lcnr ^o. acs rn t,.e na-;e oz B. Dobson

Amendment No. 51 in the name of K. Beazley

-irmative Action for the Basis of Selection of Delegates to _National Conference ai id1or Nat ional Ex e cuti v e :

Key Item: Amendment No. 30 - National Executive.

( Amendment 37 in the name of J. Burnswoods

should be re-numbered Amendment 38.

mendment 38 in the name of J. Coxsedge .,no::ld be re-numbered Amendment 37)

Amendment No. 37 in the name of J. Coxsedge

Amendment No. 38 in the name of J. Burnswoods

A.:.end rr:ent No. 42 in the name of D. Co m be

Di-r`ct Amendment !No. 43 in the name of D. Comae

Rep resentation Size of Ca:" f erence :

John Button to move the size as envisaged by the National Cc:;r:,i t`,ee of inquiry.

Amendment No. 31 in the name of R. Hogg (Clause 2)

Conference papers - relevant section of the WA Branch proposal

-

-

I -

Conference papers - proposal from =_;M1 SU

Amendment No. 34 in the name of M. Robinson

Amendment No. 36 in the name of M. Smith

Amendment No. 40 in the name of D. Murphy (last 2 p aras )

A mendment No. 44 in the name , of D. Combe

Size of National Executive:

I

Amendment No. 32 in the name of R. E:ogg ( Clause 1)

(Appropriate for any delegate to move something

relevant out of National Labor :women's item)

Amendment No. 33 in the name of M. Young

Amendment No. 35 in the name of M.

Smith

Amendment ;o. 45 in the name of D. t_.c7oe

3asis of -:.ate Representation: --Item: c ::wining part of

Amendment `o. 31 in the

. ^=

of R. Hogg

Amendment .:o. 40 in the name of D. Murphy ( remaining

clause)

Amendment No. 41 in the name of C. Schacht Amendment No. 46 in the name of D. Combe

Basis of State Representatio n to Executive:

Amendment No. 32 in the name of R. nogg (balance)

Other Items to be considered

M' SU - to be consi.^.ered with National Executive

recommendations at tomorrow's session B:-+ID - to be subject of motion to recieve and note.

Resolutions, if approved by conference, to co to

the National

Executive:

Amendment No. 27 in the name of W. Hartley

Amendment 'vo. 39 in the name of P. Giles

Amendments Nos. 49 and 50 in the name of

B. Robson

Amendment No. 28 from the National Executive e

to be dealt with to-morrow

"_

! • :.:on e . , CARRIED

Sen. J.I. Button then addressed the Conference about the work and _ecc::^endati one or the National Committee of Inquiry.

Mr. D. Com.be moved: "That Conference is of the opinion that the selection of delegates from each State to National Conference and t he National Executive be by a s y stem of proportional _epresent:-.ion. "

He foreshadowed that should the motion be adopted he would also move "That Conference directs the National Officers to discuss the implementation of the resolution with the Executives of the South Australian and Western Australian Branches and renort back to the next National Conference of the 1LP

t'r. J. Bannon seconded

? M. Young opposed the motion

AMEND •1ENT I (31)

Mr. R. Hogg moved : "That all bodies represented at National Conference and National Executive be required to conform to the Practice of '&ISW, Queensland, Tasmania and Victoria and elect

their delegates by the proportional representation voting method and that thi..s apply to the composition of the next National Conference.'

Mr. R. Hogan seconded

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr. C.. Schacht to replace Mr. M.J. Young

Mr. C. Schacht supported the motion, but indicated that the South Australian Branch continued to oppose the system of proportional representation.

Conference adjourned for morning tea at 10.45 a.m.

Conference resumed at 11 a.m. and the National President, Mr. N. Wran asked the Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party to address the Conference.

Mr. W.G. Hayden then addressed the Conference.

Mr. Wran thanked Mr. Hayden and moved: "That the address be incorporated in the Minutes.

Mr. M. Young seconded. CARRIED

- 33 -

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr. R. Fordham in place of Mr. F. Wilkes

AMENDMENT (to foreshadowed motion)

Mr. H.D. Evans gave notice that .: would move „ That all words

in the foreshadowed motion after 'Branches' be deleted and the words 'to ensure implementation prior to the next Conference' be inserted.”

Mr. R. Hogg, on the understanding that the above was agreed to by the mover and seconder of the motion sought, and was granted, i.:=ave of Conference to withdraw his amendment (31).

ur. D. Murphy and Sen. A. Gietzelt were granted leave of Conference to withdraw their amendments (40 and 47).

The following change to.credentials was notified:

Ms. Patterson in place of Mr. D. Adams

The original motion was put and CARRIED

Mr. D. Combe moved his foreshadowed motion as amended: "That Conference directs the National Officers to discuss the implementation of the resolution with the Executives of the South Australian and Western Australian Branches to ensure

implementation prior to the next Conference. "

Mr.H.D. Evans CARRIED

^: V`ti:.^' 4,^f+Ttv..»'%^^ "Y0.u. S•.. S3uCC ^^4+^ ` V_"^S ^

- 34 -

!'1S ,.5. 't.i Ut o1 J1OV e t;: "For future c on ferences, NNationa. ec ti-e will meet mile total cost of fares and accommodation of all cele:;ates, and such cost will be recouped from all Statca and Territories in *oi rtion to their respective number of Federal electorates". (43)

Mr J. Green seconded.

Amendmen t 1:

Mr K. Beazlev moved: "That the costs of travel for delegates to National Conference be funded by the National Executive. The National Executive shall bill State branches for recovery of the costs in proportion to each branch's number of delegates".

Ir P. Duncan seconded.

Mr W. Hartley in support of motion

Mr P. Keating in support of Amendment REF ?PL MOTT_'--,` ;

Sen. J. Sutton moved: "That both the motion and amendment be a.'.c:_=A to be considered by the National Executive".

seconded: LOST

Amen. :men t2:

Dr. D. Murnhv ,roved: "For future- c onferences, National Executive will meet the total cost of fares and accommCdation of all delegates, and such cost will be recouped from all States and Territories in proportion to each branch's number of delegates".

Mr C. Schacht seconded.

Mr R. Hogg in support of Amendment 2

President i'Jrar_ ruled Mr R. Hogg Out of Order.

Mover in reply.

The following change in credentials was notified:

As J. Coxsedgu in place of Mr R. Hogan

AMENDMENT 1 put and LOST

A[•IENDMENT 2 put and CARRIED

AMEi':D:2NT 2 BECAME THE MOTION put and CARRIED.

ry

-

35 -

The following changes in credentials were notified:

Mr F.Blevins in place of Mr P. Duncan Sen. S. Ryan in place of Mr Mr. Robinson Sen. Giles in place of Mr P. Cook Ms J. Hunt in place of Ms J. Ardill Ms A. Warner for Mr. I. McLean

Ms A. Levy for Mr A. ^segg Ms B.Wiese for Mr J.Wright

_Mr. M. Young moved:"Thatin respect of National Conference all State Branches, with the exception of the Territory Branches, be required to include women to the extent of at least one quarter of their delegations". (30)

Mr C. Jamieson seconded.

The following change in credentials was notified:

Ms S. West in place of Mr P. Keating Ms L. Knorr in place of Mr W. Landeryou.

A ND ,B' T 1. ( 37)

Ms J. Coxsedge moved: "That in respect of National'Conference State Branches, with the exception of Territory Branches, be required to include , , omen to the extent of at least thirty per cent of their delegations".

Sen. S. Ryan seconded

Mr M. Cross in opposition to the amendment.

Conference adjourned at 12.40 pm until 2.15 pm

0

` ..

JU

I "he =ollo,!in, changes to credentials were notified:

iir. iillinar in. place of Mr. Casey Mr. `'il.,_s in place of Mr. Fordham ::s. Jackson in place of Mr. Hartley

:Is. B. t'liese supported the moticn

A2 i!JD :T 2(38)

Is. J. Eu_r.swood moved, "That in respect of National Conference and National Executive, State Branches, with the exception of Territory Branches, be required to include women to the extent of at least thirty per cent of their delegations.

Lis. Warner seconded

?ENDENT -. (42)

• _Ir. D. Comte moved: "That an addendum be added to the motion: "And that in the event that Conference approves an enlarged National E<:ecut17e, all State Branches with three or more delegates be required to include women to the extent of at least one third of their delegations.

:is. Hunt seconded

Senator Walsh asked a question

i_ . Ccm. _ replied

Amendment 1 (37) put and LOST

Show of hands - called for.

The National President appointed Ms. Coxsedge and Mr. Combe to count the votes.

LOST 20 or 29 against

A endmcr.` 2(38) put and LOST 20 for 29 against

Amendment 3 ( 119. 2m) put and CARRIED 29 for 20 against•

Motion as amended put and CARRIED

ir

_ T ,a.,

Mr. a2. g rot

_. 0 `aQh a

- for en.

Mr. S. Combe rc . a w . "That Star:-. S._ anches (with the exception of Terr_cor ranches be _ e cui^e

.-^ to provide the election _ ^_. to p ^ - i.de for t^ el of

at least of =i.err dele gations to National Conference by

direct re- e='_n c_o to the cieoIOers h i ,D -^_.-tr 'r through a postal l ballot

or throurn c o,L: _n atrons of Federal Electorate Organisations."

Mr. D. Ho gg loved 'That this matter be held over until the discussion

cn:^ he Basis of State - enrese•.ntatio .

Mr. som e sou-ht, and was granted leave, to ::ithdraw his motion.

Si _;- of Conference

Sen. J.M. Burto n '.:jve_ . " g hat. the M, t i n a 1 Conference of the ALP

be structured as follows:-a. 12 delegates recce- by b an true the fe Y=1 electorate

organisations of the Part-:, subject to the following provisions:

1. that there be a om.::n de?. ^ j Yte from each federal electorate

Orga 1satlon at le'ac one or each ti - re: successive Conferences.

ii. federal par1i-a: r:er.`arians will not be eligible for selection as federal el-eclo_ata c_ccianisation delegates; .

b. 124 de' S eca; e s e-eo . - -.J rc;^ : and from, trade unions affiliated

with the Party in more than one State. Each union so affiliated shall be guaranteed a delegate to National Conference. The

remainin g de l e a ate places will be allocated on a proportional basin according to the affiliated membership of the union;

c. 40 delegates constituting the federal component, consisting of

6 delecates frog. each State and 2 from each Territory. In each Case the Past y Leader in the State or Territo rial legislature

shall be a member of the delegation, with the remaining places being determined by the State or Territory Party;

d. 20 federal parliamentary delegates, who shall be Executive members of the Federal Parliamentary Party.

e. 2 AYL delegates elected by the National AYL Conference."

- 33 -

ic . Lar cu seconder,

=' a c1c

: in^ c:1a.nge to cr edent_ a-s was notified:

u r_er for Is. Burns,iooas

,•^ iD \T _ (

3

) J

.. iccg moved: "That L -.e ..u'

. ..0::3 l

`^onf r° comprise delegates." :7C ^^ „L il 0 e ^ 1^

r:. • 3. Har let_' seconded

I

The following changes to credentials were notified:

Mr. Adams for Mr. Barnard Mr. .Casey in place of Mr. • Milliner Mr. Beggs in claca of Mr. Blevins Mr . Butle r in place Of '' I Cook 'r. McMullan moved: "That the National Conference comprise 75 . one :latio:.a delegates" Mr • Butler seconded

AMENDMENT 3 (34)

I Mr. C ' :N iea e no zed : "That - - ^ t :^^.;en:'^^arl t 2 b^ amended to give the ACT Branch 2 delegates". Mr. McLean seconded

Dr. D. Murphy raised a point of order that Amendment 3 did not deal with the matter before the Chair re. the size of Conference and should be dealt with subseryuent.ly

The Chairman ruled the amendment out of order

' AMENDMENT 4 (44)

Mr. D. Ccrnre moved: "Tha t the rational Conference comprise 100 d ' `gates made up of 50 as at pres-en i and an additl.i.i^al fifty allocated between State Branches on the basis determined in this Conference." later'Mr. J. Wright seconded.

Mr. J. Cain supported Amendrant1

The following change to the credentials was notified:

Mr. D. Adams in place of :r. D> Lavey

Mr. LanderyOU supported the moL:iUn

• The following change to credentials was notified:

• Ms.. Gilbert for Mr. Jamieson Mr. Beattie for Mr. Cross

Mr. J. Garland supported Amendment number 1.

Mr. G. Richardson supported Amendment number 4.

Amendment number 1 (31) put and LOST 16 for 33 against

Amendment number 2 put and LOST

Amendment number 4 (44) put and CARRIED

Amendment put as motion and CARRIED

Mr. D. Combe moved: "That the decision of National Conference of 27 July 1981 relating to completion of business before the Chair on 28 July be recommitted and rescinded.

Mr. McMullan seconded CARRIED

Conference adjourned at 4 p.m.

- 40 -

SESSION

' dnesdal 29 July 1981

Conference resumed at 9.30 a.m. on Wednesday 29 July 1981

The following changes to credentials were notified:

: en. Gietzelt in place of Mr. T. Uren Dr. M. Cass in place of Mr. G. Crawford Mr. J. Fouras in place of Mr. E. Casey

Mr. M. Smith moved: "That AYL representation at ALP Nati)nal Conference shall be 3 delegates and National Conference stall be e: p ^nded by that number."

Sen. A. Gietzelt seconded

:L, . EN , T

?r. t;. Hartley moved: "That the AYL representation be 2."

?r. Gruen seconded

Mr. D. Comae opposed the motion and the amendment Mr. R. Hcgg opposed the motion and the amendment The following changes to credentials were notified Mr. Adams in place of Mr. Barnard

Mr. :Patterson in place of Mr. Adams

Amendment put and LOST

Motion put and LOST

Dr. Murphy sought and was granted leave to withdraw the last two paragraphs of Amendment 40.

Sen. J.N. Button moved: "That the National Executive should consist of thirty-five members." Mr. B. Landeryou seconded AMENDMENT 1 (32)

Mr. R. Hogg moved: "That the National Executive comprise 30 members"

Mr. W. Hartley seconded

AMENDMENT 2 (45)

Mr. D. Combe moved: "That the National Executive comprise 25 members."

Mr. W.G. Hayden seconded

P _°._. ^ .

- 41 -

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr. M. Cross in place f Mr. P. Beattie

Mr. J. Garland supported Amendment 1

Mr. J. Green opposed the motion

Mr. K. Beazley opposed the motion

Mr. D. Lavey supported the motion

Mr. M. Cross opposed the motion

Ms. Z. Robson supported Amendment 1

Mr. N. Young opposed the motion.

Amendment 1(32) LOST

Amendment 2(45) put and LOST 9 for 40 against

Motion put and LOST

Mr. M. Young moved: "That State Secretaries who are not delegates to the National Executive shall be able to attend Naticnal Executive meetings and speak but not vote." (33)

M. G. Richardson seconded

AMENDMENT 1

Mr. R. Hogg moved: "That the words 'speak but not vote' be deleted and the words 'all rights other than that to vote' be inserted."

The Mover and Seconder of the Motion sought and were granted leave to accept the Amendment.

AMENDMENT 2 (35)

Mr. M. Smith moved: "That AYL representation at the National Executive shall be one non-voting delegate."

Amendment lapsed for want of a seconder

Motion as amended put and CARRIED

- 42 --

=.sis of State Peoresentation

r. R. Hogg moved: "That the dele c a-t.J.onns be elected by their

^spective state/territory conferonc-s; on the following basis: that each state base representation be 6 with the territories having each a base of one and that the existing position with respect to the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party, State and Northern Territory parliamentary leaders remain

That the AYL representation be one (1).

r. R. McMullan seconded he following change of credentials was notified: Mr C. Schacht for r. D. Murphy asked a question Mr P. Duncan.

fir. R. Hogg replied

^otion put and CF.. RIED

hhe .following change to credentials was notified: Mr. F. Blevins to replace Mr. A. Beggs

conference adjourned for tea at 10.30 a.m.

'pon resuming at 11.00 a.m. the National President, Mr. N. Wran 'ntroduced the Leader of the Victorian Parliamentary Labor Party, •Jr. Frank Wilkes.

. Wilkes then addressed the Conference.

• Wran thanked 1 .1r. Wilkes for hin Address, and moved : "That the dress be incorporated in the Minutes."

. M. Young seconded CARRIED

Mr. R. Hogg moved: "That the residual representation be divided amonst the state and territories i.n ' proportion to the division of th.e federal electorates between the state and territories.

IMr. J. Isaacs - seconded

IMr. M. Young asked a question

Dr. D. Murphy sought and was granted leave to withdraw amendment number 40.

IAMENDMENT I

Mr C. Schacht moved: "That the basis of State representation to an expanded National Conference, after a base figure is established, be affiliation fees paid to the National Executive."

Mr P. Keating seconded

I Mr J. Green in support of the motion.

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr R. Cavalier in place of Ms J. Burnswoods.

I Mr R. Cavalier in support of the motion

'M ^Rlv

d%t3.-.!r .^^ . W3^? R+.#w»+tie•R ...,A.^ `•

' . v« .`. _. r... a.., - . __n _ u .w -- . — -.. _ n - — _ ..., ro .. .s _.v K. _, r n- ..... ... .v.-Y.•Ir-.....e . •.

- 43 -

Mr G. Richardson in support of the amendment.

The following change to credentials was notified:

Mr M. Cross in place of Mr P. Beattie Mr R. Beatty in place of Ms. J. McGrath

Mover in reply.

AMENDMENT put and

LOST

MOTION put and

CARRIED

Mr D. Combe moved: "That the National Executive be asked to investigate ways for State Branches, except Territory Branches, to provide for the election of at least 25% of their delegations to National Conference directly from branch members, anc to report back to the 1982 National Conference."

Mr C. Schacht seconded.

Mr J. Garland in Opposition

Mr M. Young in Opposition.

Point of Order - Mr M. Smith President Wran over-ruled Point of Order.

MOTION put and

LOST

AMWSU Motion lapsed.

Mr D. Combe moved: "That the item from the BWIU on the Committee of Enquiry Report relating to structure be received and noted by the Conference." Mr R. Hogg seconded.

MOTION put and

CARRIED.

Mr W. Hartley moved: "That the National Executive review and recommend to the 1982 National Conference any necessary changes to the composition and system of election of federal policy committees, noting the decision of the 1981 National Conference that women constitute 25% of State delegations to future National Conferences." Mr J. Green seconded.

The following change to credentials was notified:

Air M. Robinson to replace Mr O'Pleagher Mr P. O'Brien to replace Mr. I. McLean Sen. J. Mulvihill to replace Mr G. Richardson

MOTION put and f CARRIED

- 44 -

?_-- r. Polbson sought, and was granted, leave of conference to amend the circulated motion in her name as follows:

"For future National Executive meetings, National Executive will meet the total cost of fares and accommodation of all delegates, and such cost will be recouped from all States and Territories in proportion to each Branch's number of delegates."

Seconded Ms J. Ardill.

Mr,D. Combe in opposition

AMENDMENT

Mr J., Green moved : "That the motion read as originally circulated, so as to read: 'For future National Executive meetings, National Executive will-meet the total cost of fares and accommodation of all delegates, and such cost will be re-

couped from all States and Territories in proportion to their re-spective number of Federal Electorates."'

Mr J. Coates seconded

Mr G. Richardson in op^osition to the motion.

Mr C. Jamieson in opposition to the motion.

Mover in reply.

AMENDMENT put and LOST

MOTION put and LOST

Mr R. McMullan moved "That Conference ratify the document headed 'Basic Principles'."

Mr M. Young seconded.

A ENDMENT

Mr J. White moved: "That the word 'basic' be deleted."

Mr D. Lavey seconded.

AMENDMENT put and LOST

MOTION put and CARRIED UNANIMOUSLY

Procedures for Affirmative Action cbate•

Mr M. Young foreshadowed an addition to a resolution to be moved by Mr D. Combe as follows: " (iv) That the Federal Executive proceed to appoint a female Assistant National Secretary, after consultation with the Labor Women's organisations in States and

Territories, the National Status of Women Policy Committee, and the Tasmanian Branch Executive."

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- 45 -

Items 6 (c) and 6 (d) of the National Labor Women's organisation would be moved separately.

Item from SA - Item 1 - Committee of Inquiry

The following change of credentials was notified for the afternoon session:

Ms J. Coxsedge to replace Dr M. Cass Sen. S. Ryan to replace Mr M. Robinson

Mr J. Coxsedge queried the status of Amendment No. 54

Mr M. Young replied

Mr W. .Hartley queried the status of Amendments 51 and 52.

Mr M. Young replied.

Mr W. Hartley withdrew Amendment 52

Amendment No.'50 lapsed.

Conference adjourned for lunch at\2.15 pm.

- 46 -

SIXTH SESSION

Conference resumed at 2.15 p.m. on 29 July 1981

The following changes to credentials were notified:

Ms. B. Wiese in place of Mr. R. Gregory Ms. A. Levy in place of Mr. J. Bannon Ms. Pickles in place of Mr. A. Begg Mr. P. Duncan in place of Mr. J. Wright Ms. P. Nathan for Mr. J. Reeves Ms. J. Hunt for M's. J. Ardill

Mr.'H.D.M. Combe moved: "That the Minutes of National Conference of 27 and 28 July be received and confirmed as a true and correct record, subject to them being corrected to show that Amendment Number 30 was carried."

Ms. P. Kavanough seconded.

Mr. J. Garland asked a question

Mr. M. Young moved: "That the Minutes be received and confirmed later in the afternoon."

Mr. M. Cross seconded CARRIED

The following changes to credentials were notified:

Ms. S. O'Sullivan for Mr. J. Cain Ms. Jackson for Mr. W. Hartley Ms. S. Nori for Mr. T. Uren

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That Conference: (i) asserts its support for affirmative action to ensure a greater representation of women in the Party structures and amongst its representatives at all levels of government, (ii) commends the Working Party's document to State Branches for their consideration and, where deemed appropriate, action, (iii) requests the National Executive

to monitor regularly progress in each State Branch and to report to each National Conference.

Mr. J. Green seconded.

AMENDMENT I (59)

Mr. M. Young moved: "That a new clause (iv) be added to the motion: "That the National Conference resolves in principle the appointment of a female assistant national secretary. To this end we direct the National Executive to consult with

Labor women's organisations in states and territories and the Status of Women Policy Committee, together with the State Branches re the appointment and financing of that position."

Ms. A. Pengelly seconded.

CARRIED

LOST

CARRIED 26 for 16 against

LOST

CARRIED

- 47 -

AMENDMENT 2 (54)

Ms. J. Coxsedge moved: "That Clause (ii) be deleted and replaced by "endorses the Guidelines for Implementati on of an Affirmative Action Programme in the ALP, June 1981, produced by the Working

Party on Affirmative Action, drawn from the State Women's Groups and requests each state and territory branch to implement an affirmative action programme in keeping with these guidelines."

Ms. A. Levy seconded.

The following change to credentials was notified:

Ms. C. Kebel in place of Mr. J. Garland

Mr. D. Lavey supported the motion

AMENDMENT 3(55)

Ms. B. Robson moved: "That Clause (ii) be amended as follows: Alter the wording of (ii) to delete all words after 'their' and insert 'implementation'."

Ms. J. Hunt seconded.

The following change to credentials was notified:

Ms. Warner in place of Ms. B. Robson

Mr. M. Cross supported the motion

Mr. G. Richardson supported Amendment I

Sen. S. Ryan supported Amendment 2

Mover of the motion in reply

Amendment I put and

Amendment number 2 put and

Show of hands called for resulting in

Amendment 3 put and

Motion as amended put and

Mr. M. Young moved: "That all Party publications and Party ballot papers be given an indication of sex by use of given names."

Mr. C. Schacht seconded CARRIED

Mr M. Young moved: "That it be the policy of the ALP to investigate, instigate and fund the provision of child care facilities at all conferences and large assembly meetings of the Party."

Ms. A. Pengelly seconded CARRIED

- 48 -

Mr. M.J. Young moved: "That it be the policy of the ALP that all Party literature and publications should be free of sexist terms and sexist overtones: similarly all Party conferences,

meetings etc. should be free of sexist comments, terms and overtones of any kind, and all officers, M.P.s and members of the Party should be advised accordingly."

Ms. A. Levy seconded CARRIED

Ms. A. Pengelly moved: "That the National Secretariat be charged with responsibilities for organising regular national forums on topics particularly relevant to the status of women."

Mr. M. Young seconded CARRIED

Ms. A. Pengelly moved: "That an immediate priority task for the Policy Resources Unit of the Secretariat be to research into the voting behaviour of Australian women, with a view to considering electoral and policy responses by the Party."

Mr. M. Young seconded CARRIED

Ms. A. Pengelly moved: "That all national policy committees should include at least one woman to be responsible for ensuring that ALP policy includes women's interests."

Mr. M. Young seconded

AMENDMENT 1 (39)

Sen. P. Giles moved: "That women constitute at least 30% of of all national policy committees."

Ms. J. Burnswoods seconded

Amendment put and LOST 21 for 24 against

Motion put and CARRIED

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That the Minutes of National Conference of 27 and 28 July be received and confirmed as a true and correct record, subject to them being corrected to show that Amendment

Number 30, moved on 27 July, was carried, and that on page 29 Amendment number 24 be altered to Amendment number 22." Mr. M. Cross seconded CARRIED

Mr. H.D. Combe moved: "That Rule 6 e i be amended to read: 'i. give the following bodies three months' notice to send items to Platform Committees: State Branches, National Labor Women's Organisation, Australian Young Labor, and Federal Electorate Councils and Trade Unions whose State Branches are affiliated with the Party in a majority of States in which they operate, all of which bodies

shall have the right to submit items to Platform Committees. Bodies so submitting items to Platform Committees shall be notified in writing of the Committee's views on such items."

Mr. M. Young seconded. CARRIED

- 49 -

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That Rule 7 c iv be amended as follows: Amend sentence beginning "Subject to these Rules ...." to read "Subject to these Rules only State Branches, Australian Young Labor, Trade Unions whose State Branches are affiliated with

the Party in a majority of States in which they operate shall be competent ' to send matters to the National Executive."

Mr. C. Schacht seconded CARRIED

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That the proposed new Rule 13 submitted by the AMWSU be rejected but referred to the National Executive for consideration."

Mr. C. Schacht seconded

AMENDMENT I

Mr. J. Garland moved: "That the proposed new Rule 13 submitted by the AMWSU be adopted."

Mr. J. Green seconded

AMENDMENT 2

Mr. M. Robinson moved: "That the word 'consideration' be deleted and replaced with 'report to the next National Conference'."

The Mover and Seconder sought and were granted leave to accept amendment 2 as part of the Motion.

Amendment 1 put and LOST

Motion as amended put and CARRIED

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That the proposed new Rule 14 submitted by the AMWSU be rejected, but referred to the National Executive for consideration.

Mr. C. Schacht seconded.

AMENDMENT

Mr. J. Garland moved: "That the word 'consideration' be deleted and replaced by 'report to the next National Conference."

The Mover and Seconder of the motion sought and were granted leave to accept the Amendment as part of the Motion.

Motion as amended put and CARRIED

Moved: Mr. H.D.M. Combe: "That the item from the South Australian Branch regarding social questions be deferred until the next National Conference."

Mr. M. Cross seconded

Mr. C. Schacht opposed the motion.

- 50 -

Mover of the motion in reply.

Motion put and CARRIED

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved:"That Rules 6 d ii, 7 a iii and 7 b iii be amended to read:

6 d ii "The National Secretary and Assistant National Secretary shall not be delegates to National Conference but shall have the full rights of delegates except that of voting.

7 a iii"The National Secretary and Assistant National Secretary shall not be delegates but shall have the full rights of delegates except that of voting.

7 b iii"The National Secretary and the Assistant National Secretary shall be the permanent officers of the National Executive, subject to good conduct, satisfactory performance of duty and adherence to the policy and objects of the party. Their services shall be terminable by one month's notice by either party."

Mr. R.J.Y. Hawke seconded. CARRIED

Mr. K. Beazley moved: "That in the event of a further appointment of an Assistant National Secretary prior to the 1982 Conference the same rules, i.e. 6 d ii, 7 a iii and 7 b iii, the same Rule will apply to the newly appointed Assistant National Secretary."

Dr. D. Murphy seconded CARRIED

Mr. H.D.M. Combe moved: "That the National Conference ratify and endorse the actions and resolutions of the National Executive taken pursuant to the national rules relating to intervention in the Queensland Branch."

Mr. M. Young seconded

AMENDMENT

Mr. P. Duncan moved: "That the words 'taken pursuant to the national rules' be deleted."

The Mover and. Seconder of the Motion sought and were granted leave to accept the Amendment.

Motion as amended put and CARRIED

- 51 -

Mr. R.F. McMullan moved: "That Rule 6 be amended to read:

6. (1) National Conference shall consist of 100 delegates comprised as follows:

(a) Four delegates being the Leader and Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party and the .Leader and Deputy Leader of the Party in the Senate; (b) Delegations from each State consisting of:

(i) The State Parliamentary Leader or his nominee as approved by the State Executive; (ii) a base component of six persons; and (iii) a supplementary component determined in accordance

with sub-clause (2);

(c) A delegation from the Northern Territory consisting of: (i) The Northern Territory Parliamentary Leader; (ii) a base component of one person; and (iii) a supplementary component determined in accordance

with sub-clause (2);

(d) A delegation from the ACT consisting of: (i) a base component of one person; and (ii) a supplementary component determined in accordance with sub-clause (2); (e) One delegate from Australian Young Labor.

(2) The supplementary component for each State and Territory delegation shall be determined in accordance with the following formula:

(a) A base figure of 50 delegates shall be set and shall constitute the numerator:

(b) The total number of House of Representatives seats, as at 31 December in the year preceding that in which the National Conference is required to be held, shall constitute the denominator; (c) The denominator shall be divided into the numerator and

the resulting dividend shall, in the case of each State and Territory, be multiplied by the number of House of Representatives seats existing in that State or Territory as at 31 December in the year preceding that

in which the National Conference is required to be held;

F .. ,.

- 52 -

(d) Subject to (e) and (f) the resulting product shall in each case constitute the supplementary component to which the State or Territory in question is entitled; (e) Should the total of the products in (d) above be

less than 50, the States or Territories with the highest remainder shall be entitled to the balance of delegates in descending order of magnitude; and (f) In the event that the remainders are equal, the

entitlement to the remaining positions shall be determined in accordance with the proportion of ALP first preference votes in the last preceding House of

Representatives election."

Mr. H.D.M. Combe seconded.

The following changes to credentials was notified:

Sen. G. Evans in place of Mr. R. Hawke Mr. J. Cain in place of Mr. W. Hartley Sen. A. Gietzelt in place of Mr. T. Uren

AMENDMENT

Sen. G. Evans moved"That Rule 6 be amended to read:

"6. (1) National Conference shall consist of 100 delegates, or a number as near as practicable thereto, comprised as follows:

(a) Four delegates being the Leader and Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party and the Leader and Deputy Leader of the Party in the Senate:

(b) Delegations from each State consisting of:

(i) The State Parliamentary Leader or his nominee as approved by the State Executive; (ii) A base component of six persons; and (iii) A supplementary component determined in accordance

with sub-clause (2);

(c) A delegation from the Northern Territory consisting of:

(i) The Northern Territory Parliamentary Leader (ii) A base component of one person; and (iii) A supplementary component determined in accordance with sub-clause (2);

(d) A delegation from the ACT consisting of:

(i) a base component of one person; and

(ii) a supplemtnary component determined in accordance with sub-clause (2);

z _ _

so

- 53 -

(e) One delegate from Australian Young Labor.

(2) The supplementary component for each State and Territory delegations shall be determined in accordance with the following formula:

(a) a base figure of 50 delegates shall be set and shall constitute the numerator;

(b) The total number of House of Representatives seats as at 31 December in the year preceding that in which National Conference is required to be held, shall constitute the denominator;

(c) The denominator shall be divided into the numerator and the resulting dividend shall, in :the case of each State and Territory, be multiplied by the number of House of Representatives seats existing in that State or Territory as at 31 December in the year preceding that in which the National Conference is required to be held;

(d) The resulting product shall in each case constitute the supplementary component to which the State or Territory in question is entitled, provided that a fraction of less than one half shall not be counted

for this purpose and a fraction of one half or more shall count as the next higher whole number."

Mr. R. Hogg seconded.

The following changes to credentials were notified:

Mr. A. Begg for Ms. Pickles Mr. J. Wright for Mr. C. Schacht Mr. J. Gregory for Mr. F. Blevins Mr. J. Bannon for Ms. A. Levy

Amendment put and CARRIED

Amendment put as Motion and CARRIED

Mr. R.F. McMullan moved: "That Rule 6(3) read 'No less than one quarter of the combined base and supplementary components of each State delegation shall consist of women ("the basic entitlement"), provided that where the calculation made to determine this basic entitlement results in any fraction the basic entitlement shall count as the next higher whole number."

M.. .

t

- 54 -

AMENDMENT

Sen. G. Evans moved: "That Rule 6(3) read 'No less than one quarter of the combined base and supplementary components of each State delegation shall consist of women ("the basic entitlement"), provided that where the calculation made to determine this basic

entitlement results in a fraction of one half or more then the basic entitlement shall count as the next higher whole number, and where it results in a fraction of less than one half it shall count as the next lower whole number."

Mr. R. Hogg seconded.

Amendment put and CARRIED

Amendment put as Motion and CARRIED

The National President, Mr. N. Wran then called on the Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party, Mr. W.G. Hayden to address the Conference.

Mr. W.G. Hayden thanked the outgoing National Secretary, Mr. H.D.M. Combe, for the outstanding services he had given to the Party during his period as National Secretary. He moved: "That this Conference thank Mr. Combe for his contribution to the work of the Party and extend good wishes to himself and his wife Caroline Blesing."

Mr. M.J. Young second

Motion put and CARRIED with acclamation.

Conference closed at 5.30 p.m.

Transcription by ' -

S'PARK &; CANNON PTY LTD 570 Bourke Street MELBOURNE Vic . 3000

` ephone

M lbourne (03) 67-699 Adelaide (08) 212-2606

Pert31 ` (09) 364-=3701

1

'ALP-

MR WRAN:

Delegates, I declare this 34th Biennial National Conference of the Australian Labor Party open. I. welcome delegates and proxies to this conference. I welcome observers, including observers from foreign missions representing other countries in Australia, and the press. I do ask delegates to observe the sessional commencement times. One of the achieve-. ments, if it could so be described, of the Adelaide

conference was that the sessions actually commenced on time and generally finished on time, and I think with the agenda before us it is more important than ever at this significant conference. I should also

ask delegates, if they are not named by the chair when they are called, before they speak if they could indicate their name and state.

I will now ask the secretary to deal with credentials.

MR COMBE: Mr Chairman, the credentials as listed are as follows:

New South Wales

Mr G. Richardson Mr P. Keating Mr J. MacBean Mr T. Uren Ms J. Burnswoods Mr J. Garland Mr N.K. Wran

Proxy Delegates Sen. J.A. Mulvihill Ms S. West Ms P. Kavanagh Mr J. Morris Mr J. Faulkner Ms S. Nor i

Victoria

Mr R. Hogan Mr G. Crawford Mr W. Hartley

Mr J. Cain Mr R. Hawke Mr B. Landeryou Mr F. Wilkes

Queensland

Dr D. Murphy Ms J. McGrath Ms J. Ardill

Ms B. Robson Mr M. Cross Mr P. Dunne Mr E. Casey

Proxy Delegate Mr I. McLean

South Australia

Mr A.S. Begg Mr R. Gregory Ms A. Pengelly Mr P. Duncan

Mr J. Wright Mr M.J. Young Mr J.C. Bannon

Western Australia

Mr R.F. McMullan Mr T.G. Butler Sen. P.A. Walsh Mr K.C. Beazley Mr P. Cook Mr C. Jamieson Mr R. Davies

Proxy Delegates Ms J. Gilbert Sen. P. Giles

Tl/2/PC 2 MR COMBE 27/7/81

ALP

I

Mr D. Adams Mr J. White Mr D. Lavey Mr J. Green Mr J. Coates

Sen. J. Hearn Mr M. Barnard, representing the State Parliamentary Leader Mr. D. Lowe

Northern Territory

Mr D. Elliott Mr J. Isaacs Proxy Delegate Mr J. Reeves

ACT

Mr M. Robinson Proxy Delegates Mr B. O'Meagher Sen. S. Ryan

Australian Young Labor

Mr M... Smith

Proxy ,Delegates Mr J. Shepley Mr A. McInnes

Federal Parliamentary Labor Party

Mr W.G. Hayden Mr L.F. Bowen Sen. J.N. Button Sen. D. Grimes

MR COMBE: Finally, as non-voting member of conference, national secretary Mr H.D.M. Combe, I move that:

The credentials as reported to the conference be accepted and those delegates constitute the 34th national conference of the Australian Labor Party.

MR WRAN: It has been so moved and seconded.

CARRIED

Tl/3/PC 3 MR COMBE 27/7/81

ALP

MR COMBE:

Mr Chairman, there are a number of procedural matters that need to be determined at the outset of conference. These have been printed off and distributed to delegates, but they will need to be

read into the transcript and accordingly I will move them seriatim.

The first one is the national executive recommends to national conference that the 1981 national conference limit its deliberations to resolutions of the 1979 conference dealing with the party's objective, and with recommendations of the National Committee of

Inquiry especially relating to the party and rules items to be submitted by bodies competent to place business, before the conference, and that the 1983 national conference be brought forward to July 1982 to undertake a full review of the platform. Subsequent conferences should then be held biennially in accordance with the rules of the party.

I move that:

Recommendation one on procedure of the national executive be adopted.

MR WRAN: It has been moved and seconded. Any discussion? I put that motion. All those in favour. Against? Carried.

CARRIED

MR COMBE: Secondly, Mr Chairman, the national executive recommends that the order of business for the conference be today,. Monday, July 27, opening address of national president, followed by consideration of the objectives of the party, debate to be concluded and votes taken by the close of the afternoon session, that is by

5.30 this afternoon.

Tuesday, July 28. (a) debate on recommendations of the national committee of inquiry regarding the composition of national conference and national executive. Debate to be concluded and votes taken by the close of the afternoon session, and (b) that the address to conference by the federal parliamentary

leader, Bill Hayden, •take place at 11.00 A.M.

Wednesday, July 29. (a) consideration of other business for the conference which will include a consideration of the affirmative action recommendations of the national committee of inquiry, and determination of rule changes made necessary by decisions taken on Tuesday, July 28, and (b) the state parliamentary leader of the host state, Mr Frank Wilkes, to address the conference at 11.00 A.M. on Wednesday, July 29.

T2/l/CC 4 MR COMBE 27/7/81 ALP

• I move, Mr Chairman, for the adoption of the

national executive recommendation.

MR WRAN: Delegate, you have moved and seconded. Any discussion? I put the motion. All those in favour. Against? Carried.

CARRIED

MR COMBE: The third recommendation, Mr Chairman, the national executive recommends that in respect of debate on the objective of the party, the national executive's recommended objectives be the key motion

and items submitted by state branches, other bodies and delegates be taken as amendments to the motion in the following order.

First, state branch items in alphabetical order by states. Second, federal trade union items in the alphabetical order of unions. Third, Australian young labour and national labour women's items. Finally, amendments lodged at the amendments table in the order

in which they were lodged.

I move, Mr Chairman, for the adoption of that recommendation.

MR WRAN: Moved and seconded. I put the motion. Carried.

CARRIED

MR COMBE: Finally, Mr Chairman, the national executive recommends to the national conference that the debate on the structure of the national conference and the national executive proceed on the following points in

the following order.

1. Method and basis of selection of delegates. 2. The size of the conference and the executive. 3. The basis on which each state should be represented.

The executive further suggests that the order of debate in each of the above sections to be on the basis of the national committee of inquiry recommendations where appropriate as the motion, and amendments to be

taken to it in the following order.

National executive recommendations, where appropriate. State branch items in alphabetical order by states. Federal trade union items in the alphabetical order of unions. Australian young labour and national

labour women's items. And amendments lodged at the amendments table in the order of their lodgement.

I move for the adoption.

T2/2/CC 5 MR COMBE 27/7/81

ALP

MR WRAN:

Delegates you have heard the motion. Any discussion? Being no discussion, all those in favour. Against? Carried.

CARRIED

Delegate Crawford?

MR CRAWFORD: I would just like to see if Victoria has some arrangement with regard to proxies, and I am just seeking that the normal situation sofar as appointment of proxies can be moved at any time during any session of conference.

MR WRAN: The conference, of course, is the master of its own destiny. In that case, I imagine the answer will be "yes.

I will ask the senior vice president to take the chair.

MR YOUNG: Delegates, it is my privilege to ask the president of the Labor Party, Neville Wran, to address the conference.

MR WRAN: Mr Chairman, delegates. It is now 12 years since the Australian Labor Party last met in this great city of Melbourne for its national conference. They have been the most tumultuous 12 years in the political history of our country and our party. Years of great resurgence, a crowning triumph, a massive disaster and now, once again, recovery and resurgence.

The 1969 Melbourne conference was one of the milestones of the party's long history, and certainly one of the most successful. It was the first conference to be held within the framework of the new rules which

broadened and strengthened its representation, especially ti•-, in regard to the role of the parliamentary parties, federal and state. It marked a transformation in the nature and spirit of our conferences. There was a

new determination on the part of all delegates to bring a spirit of cooperation and constructiveness to the decision-making processes of the party's supreme body and there is no doubt that this new spirit as much as the actual policy-making decisions of the

conference laid the foundations for our massive gains in the 1969 elections which, in turn, laid the foundations for the return of the Whitlam labour

government in 1972.

Delegates, there is a deeply encouraging parallel to be drawn between the last Melbourne conference and this. Electorally our prospects are already well ahead of 1969. As a result of the'superb campaign led by Bill

Hayden, we no longer have to overcome the huge gap which proved just a little too much in 1969, and again

T2/3/CC 6 MR WRAN 27/7/81

ALP

in 1980. Indeed, the report on the last federal

elections by the retiring national secretary, David Combe, shows that in terms ofvotes, we claim far closer to actual victory than the gain in seats show, hefty as they were. Perhaps as few as 6,000 votes distributed over 20 electorates made the difference,

and what that means is that 1980 created a whole new range of marginal seats across Australia in every state. We are, once again, within striking distance

of victory and I believe that we are poised for one of the great historic victories and the formation of a Hayden Labor Government in 1983.

And our task, as delegates to this conference, representing as we do not only the membership of Australia's oldest and greatest political party, but the hopes of the majority of Australian people is to make as great a contribution to that victory as the

last Melbourne conference did in 1969.

(Continued on page 8)

T2/4/CC 7 MR WRAN 27/7/81

ALP

Delegates, the nature of the agenda before us

ensures of itself that this will be an historic conference. For the first time since 1957, the conference is to review the party's objective. For the first time since 1967, the conference is to review the party structure of rules of representation. I think we should all be very clear in our minds what the nature and purpose of the task before us really is.

It should hardly be necessary to emphasise that we are a political party formed for and existing for quite specific, positive and concrete purposes. Politics is not theology and policies are not semantics. We are not here as a college of cardinals or a council of Trent.

The definition of the objective is an important signpost but it is the specific policies of the party, the things we commit ourselves to do in government, which make up the totality of the objective and determine, in the final analysis, whether the objective or any part of it can ever be achieved.

Change in reform can be achieved only by the formation of Labor governments - there is no substitute for government. The men and women who formed the Australian Labor Party ninety years ago, understood this very well. They drew a sharp distinction between the definition of the objective and what they called the

fighting platform. The fighting platform was specific and precise. It set the priorities for parliamentary action. It set out the practical steps towards a more just, more humane, more equal society and, however much

is changed, this practical approach remains as valid and as crucial as ever because it is founded on one permanent principle of politics, that the achievement of government is the fundamental factor in achieving any part of the objective or implementing any part of our platform and delegates, has there ever been a time in our country's history when the return of a Labor government was so urgent and vital to the future and it is as important and vital for our party and the cause we represent, as it is for Australia itself because, delegates, this nation is now threatened with a fundamental, far reaching and deeply rooted change in its whole fabric and direction.

For the first time in its history, Australia has a government committed to confrontation and division as a matter of deliberate doctrinaire policy. For the first time in its history, Australia has a government which has

set out in a deliberate and cold-blooded way to create and widen social and economic inequalities within the community. For the first time in our history, Australia has a government which has set out step by calculated step

on a massive redistribution of the nation's wealth in favour of the most privileged and powerful sections of the community.

T3/l/TL ALP 8 MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

Delegates, in dismantling the programmes of the

Whitlam government, the Fraser, government has produced only the negative side of the thrust of its policies. Indeed, in a very real sense, it is the least serious and damaging side for two reasons. At least in New South Wales where we hold the government, we have been able to mitigate some of the more savage consequences and further, when we again become the government of Australia, we will be able to restore the most important programmes indeed in an improved and more effective form, drawing on the experience we gained in 1972 to 1975. But the consequences of the positive policies of Fraser and Fraserism, the economic policies deliberately designed to deepen inequalities in the community, have more serious and damaging long-term implications. The redistribution of wealth, which is the purpose of these policies, threatens to become so massive that if continued for many more years, it would be irreversible by the normal

constitutional means in which the Australian people have put their faith throughout their history and to which the Australian Labor Party is so deeply committed and, if Fraser and the forces of power and privilege which he

serves, believe that the policies of gross reaction, the deliberate creation of unemployment, the deliberate creation of wider and wider inequalities can be imposed in a community like ours without disruption or deep alienation, let them contemplate the fires and blood of

Brixton and Merseyside.

Delegates, there is no greater or crueller myth than that these policies of inequality and special privilege are being pursued for the sake of so-called smaller government or tax reform. The figures explode the myth and show the true nature and purpose of Fraser and Fraserism. Federal government expenditure as a proportion of gross domestic product, has risen from 23½% in 1975-1976 to 25½%

in 1980-81. This increase represents an increase of $2.5 billion. Income tax for wage and salary earners as a percentage of total Commonwealth taxation in 1975-76, was 41.7%. In this, the just finished financial year, 43.5%. Since 1975-76, Commonwealth income tax collections from wage and salary earners has risen by 101% - that is, more than double but, over the same period, wages have risen only by 65%. By the self-proclaimed goals of Fraserism, smaller government and lower taxes, it has been an abject failure. There has been no reduction in the size of government. No reduction in the level of government spending or in the level of taxation. All that happened is that there has been a massive transfer of resources from one section of the community to another. In a word, a deliberate return to the policies which make for the growth of inegalities in the Australian community and it is clear that this process of wealth distribution in favour of the few, is only in its early stages. From

T3/2/TL ALP 9 MR WRAN. 27/ 7/81

here on, if the policies of Fraser and Fraserism are

allowed to continue, it can only deepen and accelerate to become entrenched and irreversible.

Each year that passes would make Labor's task of restoring Australia to the path of equality more and more difficult. It has been left, you might have noticed, to Sir Charles Court to assert that Fraser

is a threat to the preservation of the Australian federation. To that I add that he is the greatest threat to the preservation of Australian parliamentary democracy that we have ever known. The sabotage of 1975 could be merely the prelude to the long-term and irrecoverable destructiveness of his policies.

Delegates, we have to as a party and a movement, learn the lesson, the real like those of last week.

make especially sure, both that the Australian people meaning behind the events

(Continued on page 11)

T3/3/TL ALP 10 MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

There can be no clear example of the consequences of the

confrontationist and divisive policies of Fraser and Fraserism. In all the recent national disputes the present Prime Minister has adopted .this tactic of letting matters run to the precipice of chaos by refusing to allow negotation. Then just when the parties look like reaching a settlement the government intervenes with threats and provocation and then last stage before disaster, the last minute factor. This has become an all too familiar pattern and it is threatening the cohesion of the nation, but it is not just the tactic of deliberate and melodramatic confrontation which is at the root of Australia's current indu"strial malaise. Nor can it be adequately explained by the growing inadequacy and irrelevance of much of Australia's industrial and arbitral system and its

machinery, including the structure and performance of the trade unions.

These are all part of the cause, but just that, only part of the cause, underlying everything, and at the very bottom of this continuing sickness are the policies of Fraser and Fraserism, the drive towards a massive redistribution of the nation's wealth to promote privilege and to entrench inequality, and there will never be any real prospect of industrial harmony or industrial sanity as long as these policies continue. The industrial movement itself should learn the lesson of last week, that no short term gain has any real or lasting value whatsoever if it is gained at the price of entrenching Fraser and Fraserism by handing him propoganda victories. No conference like this, which is to discuss aspects of Labor's representative machinery, could ignore the role of the trade union movement within the party and within

the nation.

I have stated on every appropriate occasion and I repeat on this most appropriate of all possible occasions my fundamental conviction, that the links between political labour and industrial labour,,between the Australian Labor Party and the Australian Labor Movement, are unseverable.

In speaking as Premier of NSW I have no hesitation in saying that not the least reason for the continuing strength of the party in NSW, forming governments, incidentally, for 30 out of the last 40 years, has been the closeness and the strength of the connection between the political party, the parliamentary party, and the industrial wing, but equally, as Premier of NSW, I have had no hesitation in denouncing union irresponsibility, inadequate leadership, sectional selfishness, disloyalty

to other trade unionists as so often occurs in demarcation disputes, union factionalism,. and sometimes sheer bloody-mindedness and pigheadedness, whenever these things occur as we all know they do occur, and the very provocation of

the Fraser government and the disasterous nature of its discriminatory policies, far from releasing the union T4/1/xc 11 MR WRAN 27/7/81 ALP

movement and individual trade unionists or groups. within

trade unions from their responsibility to the wider Australian community, imposes a need now more than ever before for responsibility and leadership of the highest order, and above all, actions which damage the prospects

of the return of the national labour government, represent the most serious damage that the Australian Trade Union Movement could ever do to itself, because no section of the Australian nation is so threatened and has so much to lose by the survival of Fraser and Fraserism.

Delegates, it had been the greatest tragedy ever to have befallen this nation and this party, representing as it does the best hopes and aspirations of this nation, if anything were allowed to halt the great drive to victory in 1983 and the formation of another great Australian

labor government, the Hayden Labor Government. I said at the outset that we were now better placed to achieve that government than we were when we met in Melbourne in 1969, and perhaps even more significant and encouraging is the fact that we are better placed to form a better

government than in 1969. Our chief parliamentarians, the men and women who will form the next labour government, have never had to suffer the dreadful debilitation and

demoralisation of those seemingly endless wilderness years of the fifties and the sixties. When we came in in 1972, no-one had ever been a minister. Today, as well as our parliamentary leaders and senior front benchers with high ministerial experience, we have men and women

at the very peak and prime of their careers who from their stature already and vast experience and proven ability and they wield together,beyond.question form the most vigorous, able and experienced ministry Australia has ever known.

Delegates, as I see it, we have before us at this conference two principal tasks, two principal tasks and responsibilities. The first is the specific task of dealing with matters on the agenda, matters of quite historic importance. The other broader task is to ensure

that the matter and manner of our deliberations should be of order ccn nensurate with the expectations and aspirations of the people we are privileqed to represent. As I said before in a wider sense we do not only

represent the members of the Australian Labor Party or the branches that sent us here. The Australian Labor Party does not belong to us alone. Our cause is too great, our history too long, our support too diverse, our responsibilities too high, for that to be true of

any small group of men and women, however active, however dedicated, however strongly motivated by deep principles and cherished convictions.

T4/l/HC 12 MR [•IRAN 27/7/81

ALP

We are only the temporary custodians for a mighty

cause and the representatives of the best hopes of millions of our fellow Australians. Delegates, if we bring to this conference a recognition of that fact and bring to our deliberations that spirit

then I believe that this conference will have an honoured place in the long, enduring and honourable annals of our great party and that we ourselves will have earned a very precious reward: the privilege of having served the Australian Labor Party and through

it the people of our great country.

MR, YOUNG: On behalf of the conference, I thank the national president for that very fine address and call on the general secretary.

MR COMBE: Mr Chairman, I will move that:

The national president be thanked for his address to conference and that that address be incorporated in the official record of the conference.

MR YOUNG: Seconded delegate Pengelly. I will ask you to vote. It is carried.

CARRIED

MR WRAN: Delegates, we are going into the objectives debate and the general secretary will move the national executive recommendation.

MR COMBE: Mr Chairman and delegates, the debate which we are about to undertake is quite clearly one of the most historic debates which has occurred in the recent history of the Australian Labor Party. The reality

is that the Australian Labor Party, from its formation until 1921, was not in its stated objectives a demo-cratic socialist party. It became so in 1921. It amended its objective in 1923 and from that time to

this there has never been a fundamental rewriting of the party's objectives. The background to the debate which we are undertaking today is that over about the past six years there have been increasingly items sub-mitted from affiliates seeking to have a reconsidera-

tion of the objectives of the Australian Labor Party.

That pressure culminated in Adelaide in 1979 when on the recommendation of the national executive conference adopted a conference resolution that the executive be instructed to institute a programme of

seminars,, debates and discussions on the socialist objective of the party and its contemporary inter-pretation. It directed the national executive to seek submissions to conference for revision of the

T5/1/PC 13 MR COMBE 27/7/81 ALP

current objectives etcetera and it required the

national executive to secure the distribution of a number of discussion papers on the objectives of the ALP. Finally, it provided that the national executive be responsible for preparing recommendations

to come to the 1981 national conference.

On behalf of the national executive, I report to the conference that the executive has discharged its obligations as given to it by the 1979 conference. All of those steps which were foreshadowed by the

1979 resolution have in fact taken place and the executive places before you by way of the motion in chief today what it believes to be a significant statement of objectives to the party which it urges conference to adopt in the form as submitted.

The whole purpose of our objectives debate is for the party to produce in the clearest possible language a statement of its objectives that achieves three essential elements. First of all, what is re-quired is an unequivocal statement of the Australian Labor Party's commitment to democratic socialism. Secondly, we require an interpretation of the stated

objectives that reveals the values underlying demo-cratic socialism and a guide to the methods of achievement of that desirable goal; in other words where we as a party are headed and how we as a move-ment seek to reach our destination. Finally, as

important as the first two is the absolute necessity for us to convey our meaning to the electorate in terms that simply cannot be distorted by our oppo-

nents and misunderstood by those whose votes we seek.

The document you have before you from the national executive opens with a statement on the origins of the party which replaces the old section on origins and nature of the party. I believe that about this change there can be little debate and I make no other comment except to say that the object

as a whole needs to focus in on essentials. The essential element is the origins of the party and the role played in the party by the trade union movement. The trade unions provide and continue

to provide the basis of the Australian Labor Party. This important element is given fitting recognition and deserved prominence.

That said, attention of delegates is drawn immediately to the objectives in section B of the national executive recommendation. The statement is and will serve indisputably to be a most accurate expression of the real aims of the Australian Labor Party. The party seeks to protect its constituency, the working people of Australia and their dependants. To achieve that end is no mean feat. To achieve it

T5/2/PC 14 MR COMBE 27/7/81

ALP

in a lasting manner is a tall order. We have to first

win the confidence of the Australian worker and his or her family: a confidence that will support us at the polls and during the period when we are in government. We do not seek to fight battles, to tilt at windmills

that are a mere apparition. The real struggles are clearly before our eyes. The real support from the working people of Australia is not. That support can

be coaxed, then encouraged and then turned loose to turn the oppressive Fraser government out of office.

The national executive proposal for our objectives is not written for Don Quixote; it is not written for starry-eyed idealists. It is written for the working politician; it is written for all members of the party and it is written for those who in time will come to trust and support us. The values inherent in our objectives are stated through the 21 points of explanation which follow the opening objective statement. What we have sought to do is provide that members of the Melbourne Herald, the Sun, the Age and

similar papers in other states, the bloke at the fac-tory gate, the woman at the work bench, those who care for the home and children have no misunderstand-ing whatsoever about the clarity of the message about what' the ALP stands for. We seek objectives no less

than the redistribution of political and economic power so that all members of society have the op-portunity to participate in the shaping and control

of the institutions and the relationships which determine their lives. That is the goal of the 21 points which follow the opening statement of

objective in the national executive recommendation.

(Continued on pagel6 )

T5/3/PC 15 MR COMBE 27/7/81 ALP

The recommendation of the executive has one final section,

Section C headed Membership of the Party. That, in fact, does not need any elaboration. What it represents, in fact, is nothing more than the existing sections C and D, Membership of the Party and Policies of the Party merged

together under a new section C, headed Membership of the Party.

MR WRAN: One minute to go.

MR COMBE: Mr Chairman, I will not need an extension of time. I simply want to conclude by saying the national executive believes that what it. came up with, what had the broad concurrence of all members of the national executive, is

something which is contemporary, which is comprehensive and which is deserving of the endorsement of this national conference to become the new objectives of the Australian Labor Party.

MR WRAN: Delegate Isaacs, Northern Territory, seconded. Well, delegates, we will now embark on the amendments and since we are to deal with the amendements first, in alphabetical order of the states and territories, the

first amendment to be dealt with is the amendment from the ACT branch. Delegate Marc Robinson from the Australian Capital Territory.

MR ROBINSON: Thank you, Mr President. On the ACT branch draft, I would like to move it in this form to make the debate quite clear. That is, to move that section B of the draft of the national executive be deleted. and replaced by sections A to C of the ACT draft objective with consequent retitling of the sections. In other words, the ACT draft is not intended to supplant either the

origin section of the national executive draft or, on the other hand, the proposed section C on membership of the party.

I think, following the conference in 1980, all of the delegates here today would be conscious of the fact that certainly since 1974, this party has been living with the day-to-day reality that stagnation and instability

in the Australian economy and indeed in the economies of most Western countries is the main problem with which this party and all parties of reform have had to deal and in fact this stagnation and economic instability has not only undermined full employment but has also under-mined the whole basis of the sort of broad reform

programme that the Labor Party has so frequently attempted to advocate in the past and for that reason, that is clearly the key issue we have to deal with. In fact, what we seem to need to do is to consider at this

conference what should be a new strategy for asserting social control over the economy and that really is an economy in which business power and market forces seem

T6/1 /TI AI,P 16 MR ROBINSON 27/ 7/81

to be increasingly defying the control of democratically

elected reform-monded governments, both in this country and in other western countries.

I think the starting point for the debate which we are holding today should be the question of just how that social control can be asserted. Certainly as a socialist and observing the sorts of things that have been taking place throughout the west in the last couple of years, it seems to me that the keynote of any workable

strategy of socialist control over the Australian economy has to be one in which the keynote is, in fact, expanded public enterprise. That is, in leading enterprises throughout the economy, and used as an instrument of economic planning. Around that type of core programme, we need to look at new and creative means of using and utilising fully the planning powers that currently exist

through financial controls and exchange controls and these sorts of things.

Now, if we look at that key question of what should be in our short objective, we find that the drafts which are before this conference vary between two poles. On the one hand we have words which refer to the democratic control of the means of production or rather, to the socialisation and the means of production, distribution and exchange and then add the words, where necessary which, at the very least, is question begging and really removes any meaning whatsoever from the short objective.

On the other hand, we have the proposition put up in a number of the drafts which have been tabled by various states, including South Australia and Western Australia. The proposition that we should revert to the 192i_ short objective which simply reads, something to the effect of the democratic socialisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange. Now, 90% of average people reading those words would conclude from that that the Labor Party if it endorsed those words, favoured the nationalisation of all of industry production, all of distribution and all of exchange and that would include, by any logical reading as much as we might quibble about it, corner shops, small business and small farming and I think no-one at this conference, no matter what they believe about the role of public enterprise and nationalisation within the strategy, would believe that.

So there is no point in going back to those words simply to try and appear that we are taking some type of strong stand.

It seems to me that what we have got to do is, on the one hand, avoid something which is so weak as to be meaningless and, on the other hand, avoid something which really does not mean what we want to say and would be

enormously and unnecessarily electorally damaging on the other hand.

T6/2/TL ALP 17 MR ROBINSON 27/ 7/81

The only draft which does this, and I might say at the

very outset that I do not think any of the drafts - the ACT draft or any of the other drafts - is in fact, by any stretch of the imagination, perfect or what we need

but the only draft of the short objective which fulfil s this goal is, I think, the ACT draft and I will just read that briefly and that is that the Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party committed to the achieve-ment of a truly equal democratic and free society. To this end, Labor is committed to effective democratic control of the economy by means including selective nationalisation, new public enterprise and the regulation of private economic power.

It seems to me that that is the sort of formulation that we need for the short objective and after that, we can talk about what should go in in detail. I certainly have qualms about the national executive draft, both in that it provides for the - - -MR WRAN: Time has expired, delegate. Seconded. What is your

name, delegate?

MR SMITH: Mike Smith, Australian Young Labor.

MR WRAN: Delegates, unless the conference thinks otherwise, the procedure which seems the only practical procedure to deal with these series of amendments and those which will follow, is to have the amendments moved and. seconded

so they come before the conference and then, when all amendments have been before the conference, someone might be disposed to move a suspension of standing orders so there can be a general debate on the issues raised by the motion and the amendments. It seems impractical having regard to the substance of the motions and the number of the amendments, to deal with the matter otherwise.

The next amendment that has been lodged is from the South Australian branch. Delegate Gregory.

MR GREGORY: Mr President, I wish to move our amendment in two parts. I wish to move the addition of the word production after the word industry on its own and then to move for the deletion of the words, to the extent necessary.

In doing so, the South Australian branch hold the view that by deleting the word production, we are deleting from the scope of the objectives of our party as very wide, filled with enterprise within Australia and it is not good enough to delete that part of the enterprise whilst we are including the concept of industry, distribution and exchange. Production could be termed as products from the farm, the land, such as wood. Production of energy and a whole number of other things. For those reasons, we want that word included in the objective.

T6/3/TL ALP 18 MR GREGORY 27/ 7/81

We

necessar of democ first es

T6/4/TL ALP 19 MR GREGORY 27/ 7/31

When that theory was established, it was established

to overcome the exploitation and inequity created by capitalism as it was rampant throughout Europe at the time. Thephilosophers of that time developed the concept of socialism so that it would provide for all the people of the country a just way of living so that

they could live in dignity and not in poverty; they could live with equality and not inequality. Some people have said that today we have achieved our aim. We in South Australia do not believe we have.

The pressures on the ordinary people of the world are just as great now as they were then; the inequality is just as great now as it was then, and by deleting those words we could create the impression where people could argue that there is no need to introduce demo-cratic socialism because people are being adequately

looked after. We cannot see the reasons why we should qualify what we are going to do. Capital of today is just as rampant as it was then. Today it can and does make and break governments. It does make and break the effective elective will of people in a democratic sense. We need to retain that as it was needed to be retained in the days when the theory was established. We want to eliminate the exploitation of workers and people in the areas where they work in Australia so that, as I said earlier, we can estab-

lish a just society in which people can live with dignity.

MR WRAN: Seconded by delegate Duncan.

Delegates, the next amendment is the Tasmanian amendment.

MR GREEN: Mr Chairman, perhaps I should seek your guidance. The Tasmanian state council accepted the metal workers' proposal or the socialist objective with one additional amendment. Am I to take it that the metal workers' motion will be moved at this conference, at this time

or at some other time?

MR WRAN: I do not think you are entitled to assume anything, but it is perfectly clear that the Tasmanian branch's amendment is in the same terms as that submitted by the AMWSU, with the addition of paragraph 15, so perhaps you might speak to the whole amendment.

MR GREEN: So we are speaking to the whole of that matter? MR WRAN: Yes.

MR GREEN: Thank you, Mr Chairman. I so move, Mr Chairman. The Tasmanian branch accepted the proposed socialist objective as circulated by the Metal Workers Union as we felt that this provided the fairest and best ex-position of the socialist objective of the party. It

T7/1/PC 20 MR GREGORY 27/7/81 ALP

was felt that the basic objective of the party is the

nationalisation of the means of production, distribu-tion and exchange and that the metal workers' objective spelt it out more clearly and less ambiguously than other proposals. The basic philosophy behind that is that an oppressive capitalist system is systematically a system of exploitation and that the basic objective of the party is to reform that system of exploitation. A perusal of some statistics would tend to show

that exploitative nature. In Australia, the wealthiest one per cent of the population owns 22% of the total wealth. The wealthiest 5% of

the population owns 46% of the total wealth. The wealthiest 10% of the population owns 60% of the total wealth. 50% of Australians own less than 8% of the total wealth, and the richest two thousand people in Australia own as much as the poorest 2½ million. Those statistics I think clearly illus-

trate the unequal nature of the distribution of wealth and the means of production, distribution and exchange and if we are to achieve a more just society we need to have a clearly formulated so-

cialist objective. For that reason, the Tasmanian state council supported the metal workers' exposi-tion of that.

In addition, the Tasmanian branch added item 15 to the metal workers' proposal. Item 15 reads:

Recognition that people are fundamentally more important than money, profit, systems, machines etcetera and that this principle be paramount in the pursuit of our objective.

It is felt that this statement should be made so that the party is not solely concerned with economic matters but realises the importance of human beings and that they are more important than an economic

system, so we would like at this stage to add that additional item 15 to the metal workers' exposition of the socialist objective. Thank you, Mr Chairman.

MR WRAN: Thank you, delegate Green. Seconded delegate Adams.

Delegates, the next amendment in order is from the Victorian branch - delegate Hartley.

MR HARTLEY: Mr Chairman, I will introduce the Victorian branch amendment and direct attention - and it is quite a detailed one - and the departments of it will be extended in debate as we proceed under the suspension of standing orders, but in introducing the item I would direct particular attention to our view of the masthead statement of the federal platform and the

decision of the Victorian conference is that it should

T7/2/PC 21 MR GREGORY 27/7/81 ALP

revert to the original 1921 short wording, namely

"the socialisation of industry production, distribution and exchange" and that this objective separately stated should precede any other contemporary analysis of Labor's philosophy; so it is a question of statement and a question of positioning where we differ from

the recommendation of the national executive of the party.

This seems to be particularly important at a time when because of the objective economic cir-cumstances that we face in this country as a result of local and world economic forces, and we are faced with a position of recession and unemployment, that

unemployment only alleviated by the actions of trade unions in endeavouring to maintain wages and to maintain a reasonable amount of effective demand in Australia - and if they had not succeeded the

situation would have been that much worse - but basically we are faced with negative and reactionary policies that are inflicted on this country by monetarist forces, largely from abroad, and we believe that the Australian Labor Party especially

noting that there is always a dichotomy between philosophy and practice in any case in the way that the basic platform is applied, it is necessary to try and get some rhetoric out of this conference by

taking the clearest and tightest possible view of the situation that we find ourselves in.

Mitterand recently pointed out quite successfully to the French people that the forces of capitalism and especially the monetarist forces - the finance capitalists - had no answer to the problems of the French economy and I think that this is the sort of

thing that we should be looking at here, too, and to reach the conclusion at this conference that any re-stating of the socialist objective needs to strengthen

it, to make it stronger and to reaffirm the need for the Australian people to own and control their own economic system and the division of production and to take it out of the hands both of foreign and local capitalists.

Now, if the movement were to do this - to take over, as it were, some of the commanding heights of the economy - the Australian Labor Party would be able, I believe, to give answers to the Australian electorate,

the sort of answers that they are looking for as to what should be done in the prevailing economic cir-cumstances, so the basic philosophy of our approach which is encoded in those first few words which we believe should be nailed to the masthead is that we

should take hold of the power centres in our system and make them owned socially and socially responsible, nationalised to the point where such a policy can be achieved.

T7/3/PC 22 MR HARTLEY 27/7/81

ALP

There is no evidence in any international experience, and

I would point again to the judgement of the French people, where tinkering with the existing system has really worked, so the Victorian proposal is for an unavowedly socialist statement, a statement which was made by the party in 1921 but which has been considerably modified and in our view negatively modified since then.

I propose the Victorian amendment, Mr Chairman, and later in the debate there will be more attention to the specifics about proposals.

MR WRAN: Yes, is there a seconder, delegate Crawford_ Delegates, the next amendment is the WA amendment. Delegate McMullan?

MR MCMULLAN: Mr Chairman, there are three parts of the proposal from the WA branch that differ in some way from the major proposal from the national executive. However, the first of them which is the statement of origins, what is part A in the national executive proposal, the

differences are so minor that we have no desire to proceed with that part of signature to amend the national executive proposal. In regard to the most fundamental of them, that is the statement of objectives,

I would first like to point out a typographical error or duplication in the WA branch proposal. Under the heading 'objectives' in lines 6 and 7, the words 'a society founded upon the principles and values of democratic socialism' are repeated. Now, important as that statement is, I believe that stating it once ought to be enough.

I think the conference ought to be heartened in fact by how close the various alternative objectives are. Many of us have been for many years quoting the partyas a coalition of interest and a broad coalition and anumbrella party taking in a diversity of views and I amsure that is true, but I would have thought there would have been an expectation in fact that a statement ofobjectives may have diverged more than they have and Ithink it is heartening and encouraging for the party that the various statements come as close to each otheras they do, despite sometimes the rhetoric in support of each of them diverging markedly, the words that are down here are much more common.I think the principles contained in the WA proposal, which are better stated here than in the alternatives, which is why we proceed with them, can be briefly stated. Under the objectives here, firstly it does indicate what I think what is important, the question of cause andeffect. They were talking about democratic socialisation of industry for a reason, in that it leads on tocreating the pre-conditions for creating the sort ofsociety which the Labor Party wishes to create, becauseT8/2/HC 23 MR McMULLAN 27/7/81 ALP

a statement of objectives, I believe, ought to be that.

It ought to be a description of the society which the Labour Party wishes to create, which a long-term labour government in this country would be heading towards. It is not a statement of process. It ought to be a statement of end result so the statement of objectives of a party here does talk about process but concentrate on end result. It does make the point about cause and effect, which I think very few of the other proposals do as effectively as this.

Secondly, I think the second of the introductory paragraphs also raised points which are not elsewhere raised and perhaps states them more effectively insofar as it deals with the purposes once again of questions of social ownership and control. It is not only the description of a.process. It is the statement of a purpose

for which that process is envisaged. We are talking about it, so that through economic planning the wealth of a nation may be employed for the realisation of social justice, etcetera, and I think that is a well-worded phrase and a well-worded clause arid one that is well worth the consideration of the delegates.

Beyond that, as we come to the detailed points, I think all that one can say is that the differences between out amendment and that of the national executive are not great. There are some of our proposals which are included which are not in the national executive's proposal. They will be dealt with specifically at a

later stage by other delegates, but I think it has the other advantage that it is somewhat more concise. There may be those who wish it was even briefer than it is, but it does state in 13 points rather than the more general 21 of the national executive the major statements of philosophy and principle on behalf of the party, and under the sub-heading of organisation which I think is a minor point, but I think the wording in the WA proposal

is more to the point and appropriate. It is referring to people accepting the objectives of the party rather than subscribing to the programmes and methods. I think one is more appropriately stated than the other, and in summation, delegates, I believe that the WA proposal acknowledges and reinforces comprehensively the principles to which the party has been and remains committed, concisely, effectively and articulately, and I think it is worthy of your support.

MR WRAN: Yes, is that motion seconded? Yes, seconded by Peter Cook. Delegates, the next amendment in order is the AMWSU amendment.

MR GARLAND: Delegates, the proposition is from the Metal Workers and Shipwrights Union.

T8/2/HC 24 MR McMULLAN 27/7/81 ALP

MR WRAN:

You are moving that amendment, delegate Garland, are you?

MR GARLAND: To formally place it before the conference, yes, Mr President. Most delegates that have spoken today have indicated the necessity for clarification, so that in terms of the objective and in terms of the interpretation

to be as precise as possible, to indicate those achievements which the party itself and the movement as a whole aims to obtain, and in terms of the Metal Workers and Shipwrights Union proposition, while not totally encompassing all those principles, certainly with the executive's proposition before the conference and with

the amendments that have come forward in the pink paper, there is an adequate ambit of course for the conference to deal with these.

The two particular points that I wish to raise in respect of this debate, as a general matter, are that it is very well to have clarity in our definition and in out objectives, and it is certainly necessary to have clarity in terms of the interpretation of our main ideology, democratic socialism. But the implementation

is another question of which there is a void and when the conference looks at the question of how these are to be obtained, it suggests in one sense as the presidential address remarked, that this would be done through government.

The Metal Workers Union believes that there are additional forces in society that have to be considered in the terms of implementation of any form of ideology and it can only be done of course in terms of principles of action whereby the union movement and community action groups are involved in such activity. You cannot do it from up in an ivory tower. It is a means of communication, education, information and practical application by people. An objective is one thing, its implementation is another. To that extent as a movment we do have an obligation to ensure that we talk about

it, the means by which we are going to attain these things in addition to the question of parliamentary democracy.

The union movement itself has a vast array of forces that when solidified around the question of objective and of implementation can bring great value and support to the overall question of the philosophy and the ideology of the movement. This can be said also of numerous active participants within various lifestyles and within community activity ranging from municipal and shire

activities right through various other groups within the community itself, and so within this proposition of the Metal Workers and Shipwrights Union, they insert of course a principle of action, which is void in many

T8/2/HC 25 MR GARLAND 27/7/81.

ALP

respects in some of the other propositions including the

national executive's proposal, which eliminates that particular section,within the overall proposal before the conference.

So I would ask the conference to consider in the overall terms also some additional factors in terms of principles of action which can espouse and be clear in terms that we do recognise people and organisation other

than the political machine as part of the overall apparatus to achieve the objective and the interpretation that we seek.

MR WRAN: Is there a seconder for that motion of amendment? Delegate Uren? Delegates, the next amendment is that presented by the. BW IU .

(Continued on page 27)

T8/2/HC 26 MR GARLAND 27/7/81 ALP

MR WRAN:

Amendment number 13.

Delegates, the final formal amendment is from the National Labor. Women's Conference. Delegate Jan Burnswoods has moved that amendment.

MS BURNSWOODS: To place it before the confer as you can see, it is not formulated objective and the whole framework of would like to draw your attention to are made in the formulation from the Women's organisation.

once because, in terms of the the others, I two points that National Labor

Firstly, the emphasis that special priority be given to the socialisation of the leading sectors of the economy and then, further down that paragraph, the demand that our principles do, in fact, become reflected directly in our electoral programmes.

As delegate Garland has just said, it is not just a matter of the kind of socialist objective we adopt as our mast head but the number of points we then commit ourselves to and, in fact, reflect-directly

in what we are about.

Then, finally, the last paragraph in that first column refers to the need to include a statement that any system based on the exploitation of individuals within households cannot be truly egalitarian. In fact, to include a statement within the Labor Party's objective and policy that we are committed to full equality between the sexes and that we cannot expect women to continue to bear the kind of load they have borne up until now, and I would foreshadow, for instance, an amendment to the principles of action included in the national executive formation which refers, in very bold terms, to the security of the family as if the family - the traditional family unit - is the only way in which men and women live in Australia. I think that is the sort of formulation we need to get away from and, in fact, commit ourselves to full equality between men and women and a recognition of the discrimination that women have suffered up until now.

MR WRAN: Is there a seconder? Yes, seconded by delegate Barbara Robson.

MR HARTLEY: Mr Chairman, if I can refer to the item of the Building Workers' Industrial Union. That was lapsed a moment agobecause nobody picked it up and put it before conference.

I would submit, in fairness, as unions are not directly represented here and given the nature of this particular procedure where we are going to have a wide

T9/1/CC 27 MR WRAN 27/7/81 ALP

range of choices before us in any case, it is unfortunate

that an affiliated organisation has its work dropped in that way and I would suggest it might be a useful procedure just for the national secretary formally to put them in so that, in fact, they are not lost to the conference. It is difficult for any one delegate who has nothing to to do with the BWIU or any other organi-sation as such to pick up their work and put it in, but I think that some procedure ought to be adopted to ensure that the item is at least considered by the conference.

MR WRAN: I am quite prepared to vacate the ruling that the amendment lapsed if there are two delegates who are prepared to formally move and second it.

Moved-delegate Hartley. Seconded delegate Hogan.

So that completes the formal amendments. Delegates, you have got a series of amendments before you. I think there are ten all told, and there are another 13 to come, but if I could at least relieve the conference's burden to this extent. You have an amendment - I think it is numbered four - from Mike Smith of Australian Young Labor in relation to a procedural recommendation. I beg your pardon, it is

(a). It is proposed, in any event, that the five parts of the objective be moved in the way suggested and I understand that satisfies Mike Smith so that amendment is withdrawn.

This brings me to amendment numbered one moved by delegate Coates Tasmania.

MR COATES: Mr Chairman, this wording as I propose it is slightly different from most of the others in that I suggest we ought to state, first, our belief and then follow with an objective.

One of the things that worries me is that we get bogged down on past methods of wording and then we get into semantic arguments about ways in which we change particular wordings, and it strikes me that the word "socialisation" is a process rather than a state. I think Bob McMullin alluded to that sort of distinction in the way in which we state our objective. So I point that out, in the first place, that I am suggesting we state a belief in how we would like society to be if we were ruling off and starting again rather than to accept the present base and talk in terms of --whether we use the word "nationalisation",

"socialisation" or whatever. So if I can just briefly point to some of the key points of the objective as I would propose we state it in amendment number one.

T9/2/CC 28 MR WRAN 27/7/81 ALP

First of all, the comma between democratic and socialist

is deliberate in that it is another one of the perpetual arguments we get into as to whether we ought to say 'we are a socialist party' or 'we are a democratic socialist party'. There is a perpetual argument as to whether there is a distinction, and I would like to suggest that in a way there are two distinct things to be said there, and if we get into the habit of talking about ourselves as a democratic party and a socialist party rather than to try and pretend that "democratic" modifies the word

"socialist".

Secondly, to talk in terms of the belief in social ownership and control of production, distribution and exchange. I think is, as I have already suggested, preferable to talking about the process of achieving

that as part of our initial objective and coming to the process later. I would also like to point out that I think the word "production" covers the word "industry" People have suggested that the word "production" be deleted and "industry" be included. In my view,

"production" is the more general Word and to have both "industry" and "production" is tautologist. So I think in all of these procedures we ought to just have "production, distribution and exchange".

Now, I think it is important to put in the one sentence the social purpose of this - that is, so that all Australians can enjoy a decent and secure standard of living - so that we are emphasising the purpose of our

belief and not just the belief as an isolated and unconnected item.

The debate, it also strikes me, has become bogged down on those words "to the extent necessary", and you will notice that my proposal leaves out those words.

Another point of debate is including the word "free" or "freedom" or "liberty", and people have been accusing others of including those words as if it were a backdown but, again, I think the use of the word

"free" in some people's minds is to allow people to be free to exploit. The way I suggest it is that we ought to emphasize that we are talking about freedom from exploitation rather than freedom to exploit.

So that is my general point - that we have a belief, we state our objective then as our achievement of that belief, and then go through the various points, one to 15,.depending on which particular set of explanatory objectives we adopt but I think the mast head, as it has been called, ought to be stated

as a belief to start with and then an objective.

(Continued on page 30)

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MR WRAN: Delegate White seconded that amendment.

Next amendment

is number two. It has been moved by Delegate Garland of New South Wales.

MR GARLAND: Mr President and delegates, the format of the national executive recommendation in item two particularly, talks about the establishment and development of public enter-prise based upon federal, state and other forms of social ownership in appropriate sectors of the economy.

It clearly aims to express in terms of the interpretation of the objectives that public enterprise does have a significant role to play in appropriate sectors of the economy and that public enterprise would be established in those sectors. What the recommendation does omit, of course in terms of the overall objective, is the ownership of leading enterprises currently existing. There is to be a clear distinction understood, I suggest

to the delegates, about those two facets. One is the facet of developing and establishing public enterprises in appropriate sectors of the economy. The other is where, as a government and as a movement, we ensure that existing enterprises within the leading sectors of the economy are brought under public and social ownership and democratic control and to that extent, with this particular amendment, aims to cover the void that is created within the national executive's proposition in that very important area. I think within the socialist movement throughout the world it is recognised and the Mi tterand government in France has just announced the nationalisation of eleven leading industrial complexes.

Within the national executive proposition, if adopted in its totality, then of course there is no ambit and there is no clarity that any government in this country of a social democratic or democratic socialist nature would pursue the question of the social ownership of any of the leading institutions and we cannot, I

suggest to this conference, effect proper economic management or national planning of the economy without the leading sectors in the economy being, under public ownership and control and the distinction is a very vital one and I formally move the amendment.

MR WRAN: Is there a seconder, delegates? Seconded by Mr Uren. The next amendment. Delegate Garland it is yours again but I think that has been overtaken by other amendments. That is amendment 2a. Do you withdraw that?

MR GARLAND: I think it is appropriate, Mr President, the South Australians have separated their original one. My worry was that it might be putting up one side of the amend-ments. Two sides if it is going to a single question.

MR WRAN: I understand that. That is withdrawn. The next amendment is number three, made by Delegate Evans. Delegate Hawke?

Tl0/l/TL ALP 30 MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

MR HAWKE: - - - Delegate Landeryou for the purpose of allowing

him to move his amendment.

MR WRAN: It has been moved and seconded.

MR EVANS: Thank you, Mr Chairman. The purpose of this amendment simply starts with the national executive resolution as the base but add to it just a handful of words in the second preliminary paragraph which leads in to the 21 points so that now reads: "To achieve the political and social values of equality, democracy, liberty and social co-operation inherent in this objective that the Australian Labor Party stands for." It. accepts the introductory masthead statement as it is and simply seeks to add some words as a vehicle for giving some shape and coherence to the 21 specific points which then follow.

Perhaps the best starting point in explaining this is to the say that the socialist objective must be regarded as having two basic roles to play. One is an internal role within the party to .keep, as it were, the bearings of the party steady when we are thinking about working out individual programmes and policies. The

second role is, to my mind, equally important. That is, to operate as a vehicle for external communication to the community, to the electorate at large, as to what exactly we are about as a party.

The resolution as it stands as it comes forward from the national executive, although from some points of view it is a bit of a dog's breakfast which is I suppose inevitable with any compromise resolution of this kind, it seems to me to be pretty adequate now to give the party internal guidance. The strategic objectives set out in those 21 points do give a proper

flavour of context to the opening paragraph. It is, I think, perfectly adequate from that point of view but I think it is strongly arguable that the resolution from the national executive is not totally satisfactory as a vehicle for communicating to the community at large what we are about. I think that, to some extent, has been demonstrated by spokesmen for the party who tried to explain what the national executive resolution is about and had perfectly understandable difficulty in

summarising, for the purposes of the media, what those 21 points in fact add up to.

I suggest that the best way of communicating what the meaning of socialisation is, in terms of the 21 paragraphs, is to use in the linking paragraph, a reference to the four basic values which seem to me and to a number of other delegates, to adequately summarise and demonstrate what those 21 points are respectively all about.

T10/2/TL ALP 31 MR HAWKE 27/ 7/81

Very briefly, with respect to each one of those

values, equality is meant there to be something more than simply equality of opportunity which any old small 1 liberal might be able to accommodate himself to. What is meant there by the notion of equality is real equality or at least, much greater real equality of wealth, of income, of status and of power. By democracy

is meant there, not simply political democracy in the one vote one value context, important as that is, it is the .notion of participation by people in all sorts of institutions that make decisions which determine their lives, including there of course the notion of industrial democracy.

. By-liberty, it is not meant there to be a reference to the economic liberty of people within the private sector to exploit their fellow man. It is a specific reference to the traditional political and civil liberties of speech, expression, assembly, non-discrimination and freedom from oppression by the state. By social co-operation, that is meant to accommodate a number of different themes. Solidarity in terms of the battles that we fight within our present society. A consultative and co-operative approach to the solution of society. problems, including industrial relations problem - - -MR WRAN: One minute to go, Delegate Evans.

MR EVANS: Thank you, Mr Chairman. A co-operative approach, not only to the solution of national problems but also international problems.

Mr Chairman, I believe that these themes have been rightly canvassed within the party in the debate that has taken place over the last twelve months. The specific language that I am suggesting does appear more or less in those exact words in the Victorian resolution and in the West Australian resolution. That kind of language is implicit in many of the other resolutions, including the national executive one that has come forward today. I believe that there should be a degree of consensus around the proposition that I am suggesting on the basis, as I said at the outset, that the use of expressions like this in the linking paragraph will, I think, serve in a practical way of summarising what our concerns are in the

21- points and make the shape of the objectives which finally merge in our deliberations today, much more articulately able to be communicated to the community at large., -MR WRAN: Is that motion seconded? Delegate Denis Murphy of

Queensland seconds the motion. Delegates, the next amendment numbered four is moved by Marc Robinson, the Australian Capital Territory Robinson.

T10/3/TL ALP 32 MR EVANS 27/ 7/81

MR ROBINSON:

Thank you, Mr President. I will move this amendment. Let me make it quite clear by moving, how the new section 2 would read if this were passed. It would read:

Extension and establishment of public enterprise tl based upon federal, state and other forms of social ownership, particularly in strategic sectors of the economy.

The reasons for this are fairly simple. Firstly, the current wording would imply an emphasis solely upon the establishment of new public enterprise and would

explicitly exclude the need to take over in certain areas, the existing private enterprise and bring those into public hands.

Secondly, the word 'strategic' placed in front of sectors of the economy would give more flesh to the wording by referring to strategic sectors of the economy rather than the vague formulation of appropriate sectors of the economy.

(Continued on page 34)

.1

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ALP 33 MR ROBINSON 27/ 7/81

I think this type of amendment is important. It should

be seen as being linked with the foreshadowed amendment on point 4 which would add the words "including protec-tion of small business and. farming" so that on the one hand if we persist with the meaningless short objective with the words "where necessary", those two amendments would in fact give some flesh to that, and on the other hand if we make what I believe to be the monumental mistake of adopting the 1921 objective we will in fact be able to give some real description as to what we

really do mean in the actual wording that comes later; so I simply urge that amendment.

MR WRAN: Seconded delegate. Smith, Young Labor.

The next amendment also stands in the name of Mark Robinson of the Australian Capital Territory, amendment No. 5.

MR ROBERTSON: Mr President, I would seek your leave to hand over the moving of that amendment to Ray Hogan from the Victorian branch.

MR WRAN: You are moving that way, delegate Hogan?

MR HOGAN: Yes. The amendment is a very small one; it only seeks to change the one word by replacing "strategic" with "increasing". It is seen that the word "strategic" in the context of the recommendation is probably not

the appropriate word and that we seek to have "in-creasing" ownership, which should be the word which fits into the context, and I move the amendment accordingly.

MR WRAN: Amendment No. 6, delegate Adams, Tasmania.

MR ADAMS: Mr President, I. would be moving this just to give that clause some more meaning in the sense that one has heard in this debate throughout the party on the socialist objective that we are not about socialising

small business and small farming or farming as such. I would like that to be spelled out in some detail so one has got the right to be able to say that with the meaning that is there. If we are going to socialist the orchardists of the Huon Valley in Tasmania then let's say so; otherwise we can get down to talking about platforms like orderly marketing and the pro-tection of small shopkeepers against the monopolistic exploitation by companies like the larger multi-nationals. I move that way, Mr President.

MR WRAN: Seconded Sen. Hearn.

MR BANNON: Mr President, I would like clarification on this amendment. The words "support for" are included in the indicated amendment and yet in the reproduction of it the words "protection of" are there. Those

Tll/1/PC 34 MR ROBERTSON_ 27/7/81

ALP

terms, I suggest, are different terms. One is

definitely a term of art and perhaps the mover could clarify which he wants included.

MR WRAN: What is the position, delegate Adams?

MR ADAMS: "Including support for" and not "protection". I do not want the word "protection" in it.

MR WRAN: We will delete "protection of" That has been s, me to amendment Queensland.

MS ROBSON: I would like

from your amendment the words and substitute "support for". 2conded by Sen. Hearn, which brings No. 7 moved by delegate Robson,

to move:

The deletion of the word "private" and insert the word "personal" so as to read "the right to own private".

In speaking briefly on this particular amendment, this as I have found in the Labor Party has always been an anathema to us, since the 1900s. It has symbolised to me the exploitation of the vast majority of working men and women in Australia, and I quite

clearly believe it would be absolutely scandalous for this party conference to affirm the right to own private property amongst our socialist objectives -

particularly scandalous in the light of how that private property has been used and how it is commonly understood in our community.

On the other hand, this conference must affirm the right of individuals to have personal property to fulfil their basic needs of want and shelter. The words "private property" to me describe the process by which people can own the means of production. They

can control the ownership of usable capital, and I do not consider that our basic shelter is included within the context of private property for those who are scared stiff that we mean we are going to take their homes away from them. Shelters are not realisable capital. If you can sell your shelter, you certainly have to turn around and find another one.

This clause has to be considered, and this amendment, in the light of the other twenty clauses which in themselves clearly lay down the guidelines for what we mean by private property. Those clauses

to me clearly show that people like Holmes a Court and Lang Hancock are not going to be given a free hand - a total free hand to amass private property at the ex-pense of the majority of the working class people of

this community.

Tll/2/PC 35 MR BANNON 27/7/81 ALP

Now, I may reassure on the other hand those two

men and their like that the ALP does not oppose their right to have shelter and personal possessions -simply as long as those possessions are for their own use and not for the exploitation of the rest of us. Clause 5 as it stands is totally unqualified and it can be interpreted as totally inconsistent with the spirit of the rest of our socialist objectives. We therefore move that the word "personal" be used to clarify the real intent of this clause.

MR WRAN: Is there a seconder to that motion and amendment? Delegate McLean. I am not intent of giving any free legal advice but personal property is regarded under the law as movable property as distinct from real property. It

is only a matter of definition, and I suppose we could always go to the minutes and find out what it really means.

Delegates, the next amendment is amendment No. 8 standing in the name of delegate Garland of New South Wales.

MR GARLAND: Mr President, with the leave of conference to clarify this particular amendment, I would ask con-ference to delete the words initially which say "delete and replace", and the intention is to add to clause 7 "conference delete and replace" so with

the leave of conference I seek for that clarity to be achieved and I formally move it at this stage.

MR WRAN: Let's be clear, delegate. You want the words in parenthesis, in inverted commas, added to clause 7.

MR GARLAND: Yes, Mr President.

MR WRAN: So the amendment now reads: "Add to clause 7..."

MR GARLAND: I formally so move.

MR WRAN: Seconded delegate Gregory.

The next amendment is amendment numbered 9 -delegate Duncan of South Australia.

MR DUNCAN: I am not at all sure about that, Mr President. It was not submitted in my name, so we will pass to the next amendment I think.

MR WRAN: Very well. I will read it more closely in the luncheon adjournment. No. 9 lapses. No. 10 -delegate Green, Tasmania.

MR LAVEY: To be consistent, Mr Chairman, with the last speaker, I am delegate Lavey and I would like to

Tll/3/PC 36 MR ROBSON 27/7/81 ALP

move this amendment in my name. You have already

suggested that speakers can only move one proposition and delegate Green has already moved one proposition, so the amendment is to add the words "to be guaranteed to relatively disadvantaged groups and to individuals by the pursuit of affirmative action programmes". I

think there is a lot of rhetoric said ab out equality today and its meaning has to be therefore very clear. because the term can be used and abused and I think

we should be, as a party, interpreting the word "equality" as equality of result.

(Continued on page 38i

Tll/4/PC 37 MR LAVEY 27/7/81 ALP

The interpretation I think should be towards a desirable

end state where all persons are really equal, and therefore it requires very differential treatment about what we mean by equality in favour of disadvantaged groups in order to bridge the .gap' at a starting point because equality today can be taken to mean equal treatment straight away, but that is based on the premise that at the starting point everyone is equal. So, regardless of the level of education or history of past discrimination suffered by any person because of

their race or sexual classification or so on, you can say right, we will have equality, and I think in the party platform we have got to make certain what we mean, that it is just not a trendy thing to say what we stand for. I think we have to spell it out very, very clearly so that-there is only one interpretation

of what we mean and, therefore, we are saying that all people are not equal from the start, therefore the disadvantaged groups have got to be discriminated and we have got to help them and ensure that this party is clear on how it stands on this amendment. That is why we are suggesting those three lines.

MR WRAN: Is there a seconder? Seconded delegate Barnard.

Delegates, the next amendment in order is number 11, delegate Ardill from Queensland.

MS ARDILL: Thank you Comrade Chair. I would like to move the deletion of all words "after security" and add "for individuals, the family and all social units" so as to read, 'security for individuals, the family and all social units'.

Delegates, the word "family" normally taken to mean mum, dad and the kids is now outdated in the light of society's changing lifestyles. We must be mindful of the changing needs of our society and the need to

support and protect those people for whom the situation of mum, dad and the kids is either untenable or unbearably oppressive and restrictive. In the name of security of the family, the conservative groups argue against the funding and maintenance of women's refuges,

supporting parents' benefits and married women in the workforce.

While we recognise that, for many people, the traditional concept of the family offers security, dignity and great personal satisfaction, we must also recognise the needs of an increasing number of people who wish to remain

single to live in groups or transient relationships. Our objective should not be backward looking, nor should we defend one group of people against another.

MR WRAN: Thank you, delegate. Is there a seconder? Seconded Delegate McLean, South Australia.

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ALP

MS McLLEAN:

In seconding this I would also like to indicate that I will be withdrawing my amendment which is the next one. I think the mover has said all that needs to be said.

MR WRAN: Thank you, delegate McLean. Delegates, the next amendment you have in your running sheet can be destroyed.

. I think, unless the conference thinks otherwise, we might break now until half past eleven. We will continue with the conclusion of these amendments and then seek to have a motion to suspend standing orders. We will adjourn until 11.30 sharp, delegates.

T12/2/CC 39 MS MCI•'-%,N 27/7/81 ALP

MR WRAN:

Delegates, please resume your seats and let us get the conference going again. The next amendment is by delegate Burnswoods, number 13. Delegate Burnswoods.

MS BURNSWOODS: I think the conference could reword this to some extent and move it in the following words.

'Social justice and equality for individuals, the family and all social units, and the elimination of exploitation in the home.'

MR WRAN: That wording is so different, not different in intention but different in form of words. Can I make a suggestion that it be re-typed and re-submitted?

MS BURNSWOODS: And moved somewhat later?

MR WRAN: Yes, so that every delegate has a copy of the amendment, otherwise we can get into even more trouble than already. That brings us to amendment number 14 and delegate Hogan, Victoria.

MR HOGAN: Mr Chairman, in moving the amendment number 14, the existing words simply are 'the abolition of poverty' and it is our view that the amendment which reads

'the restoration and maintenance of full employment' preceding the words 'abolition of poverty' more correctly puts the view of the party. We know that we are a party which believes in full employment and it

seems to us that we could set it out quite clearly in this document as far as this conference is concerned.

MR WRAN: Is that seconded? Delegate Crawford seconded. That brings us to amendment number 15, moved by delegate Robson of Queensland. Delegate Robson.

MS ROBSON: Thank you, Mr Chairman. I wish to move the insertion of the words 'political affiliation' after the word 'religion' so -as to read

'the elimination of discrimination and exploitation on the grounds of class, sex, sexuality, race, religion, political affiliation, national origin, citizenship, age, disability, regional location, or economic or household status'

As a delegate from Queensland I am particularly sensitive to the effects of discrimination which are based on political affiliation, resulting from the nature of the present Bjelke Petersen government and I am quite frankly

surprised that this term has not been included in this clause by the national executive,considering what has occurred in politics in Queensland. Party members and T13/1/HC 40 MR WRAN 27/7/81 ALP

delegates here will all at some time have experienced

significant discrimination because of your politics. Now surely this party must include this term as part of our socialist objective, to ensure that the ALP will never condone such similar actions. Workers in the Queensland public service have a general fear of an insecurity of permanancy or promotion which is based on the intimidatory actions of a government in which the whole process of democracy, individuals' rights, have

just come under severe threat over the last 10 years.

Now, a classical example of our own ranks of political discrimination in Queensland would be that of Peter Wood, a school teacher who became a labour member of the legislative assembly in Queensland and henceforth became our shadow minister for education. Since Peter was defeated in 1974, even though he was good enough to be a shadow minister of education, our present government has seen fit not to re-employ him in his occupation as

a teacher during the last 7 years.

We are a party who professes 'to encourage freedoms, including the freedom of thought of speech and the freedom of affiliating in politics within the party of out choice. That is the whole civil liberties gambit, and yet we have nothing in our socialist objective which would allay the fears of discrimination on the basis of political affiliation held by many working people. This party must in effect encourage people to grow in political thought and speech and to participate in the party of their choice. We must ensure that their right

to do so is encouraged by the knowledge that such expression will not result in discrimination against them, so I urge all delegates to consider the inclusion of the words 'political affiliation' to clause 13, because

frankly, without those two words, the rest of the clause becomes meaningless and useless.

MR WRAN: Is there a seconder delegate?

MR BANNON: Mr Chairman, I would like to point out that the amendment is identical to one already moved by SA.

MS ROBSON: Comrade Chair, I am moving this as an amendment to the national executive's recommendations on the possibility that not necessarily will the SA section get through.

MR BANNON: Mr President, could we have some clarification whether that is so. Is it a case that if, for instance, the SA amendment gets dumped then it is open to delegates to pursue amendments, even though those amendments might have been stating a proposition already put?

MR WRAN:

This, as I understand, is going to be done. The clauses are to be put in parts A, B and C and so on. That is the case. Is there a seconder for delegate Robson? Delegate McLean, thank you. T13/2/HC 41 MS ROBSON 27/7/81 ALP

Now we move to amendment number 16, standing in the name

of delegate Beazley of WA. It was standing in the name of Peter Duncan- He seems to be a shadowy

figure at the conference, but it.is now in Kim Beazley's name.

MR BEAZLEY: The proposition that we are putting forward here is identical to something that we have in the WA amendment and it improves upon the national executive's stand on this subject in two respects. The national executive proposition does not recognise the question of aboriginal

land rights and incorporate it in the objective. However, this proposition is superior because it states a reason for that. In the first instance, and these are two essential differences, and the first of them is that it recognises the prior ownership of Australian land by Australian Aborigines and that is an important point, I

think, to get across to the Australian community in discussing the question of land rights. It also means that if an objective, the points in the objective are supposed to lead into legislation, then I think that this is a useful lead in to a consideration of a treaty, for example, the aboriginal people on the question of land ownership.

The second essential difference between this proposition and the way in which it is worded in the executive's recommendation is that it recognises that the main reason, or one of the main reasons for land rights,

in the special and essential relationship with the land as a basis of aboriginal culture. I think there is great value in incorporating recognition of both these points in the objective, that to simply recognise land rights without asserting that, I think, is to lead us into a

discussion in the general community on the question of equality of rights and it is a spurious one, brought into the discussion of land rights, and in getting us over that problem, this amendment is to be commended.

MR Could I just ask the delegate Beazley a question there? In his amendment he leaves out all reference to the islanders. The national executive recommendation in clause 14 talks about the right of Australian aborigines and islanders. The amendment there - - -MR MURPHY Could it be agreed to insert the words 'and

islanders' after 'Australian aborigines?'

MR WRAN: Delegates, we cannot have a private chat across the room. Can I make this suggestion, that if delegate Murphy wishes some words inserted, the two delegates could get together and perhaps the amendment could be re-submitted.

MR MURPHY: That seems a big difficulty, Mr Chairman, simply to add two words 'and islanders' to the amendment. T13/3/HC 42 MR WRAN 27/7/81 ALP

T13/3/HC

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43 MR WRAN 27/7/81

MR WRAN: Well, it is accepted that the amendment be made? Does the conference give leave? Granted, the words 'and islanders' are to be added after 'aborigines'. Which brings us to item 17, moved by delegate Uren.

MR UREN: Mr Chairman, I move the amendment in my name. It is dealing with paragraph 17 in the executive's report. I think it adds to the extant words a clearer meaning and that is if before the word 'environment' we put

'and protection of our environment and that environment is created by people or nature.' Now, it deals to some extent with how the task force of the national enquiry in. the national state under Justice Hope dealt with it and so we are not only dealing with the environment in broad terms but spelling out how in fact on the one hand our flora and fauna, as our earlier delegate talked

about, is man made. For instance, we have at present we have a struggle going on in the city of Melbourne, of trying to protect some of our historic buildings which were created by the skills of the workers of the past.

(Continued on page 44)

Those arts and crafts are not available today, and

our role is to protect that as much as possible. I think that the suggested added words would fall into the sensitivity of our policy, particularly in the

urban and regional affairs portfolio, and I ask conference to give consideration to accepting those added words.

MR WRAN: Seconded delegate Garland.

Delegates, that brings us to amendment No. 8 moved by delegate Smith.

MR SMITH: This amendment is identical to amendment 19 standing in the name of delegate Jamieson from Western Austra-lia. I have spoken to delegate Jamieson. He has indicated he would like to move this, and I will second it, as it is a formal motion in any case from the WA branch.

MR JAMIESON: Mr Chairman, in moving this amendment, the Western Australian delegation are obliged to this as a result of a conference decision not long ago. There are 43 sovereign states in the. British Com-monwealth, as you would know now, and of those some

23 of them are already republics. They are no less loyal, of course, by being republics to the British Commonwealth than those which are of other ilk. There are 15, I think, which still have the Queen as head of state and five have their various kinds of monarchies. They make up the 43. So it seems to me that it is high time that we as a party got down to making a clear statement of where we are going. There are at various times stated to be from 23% to 28% of the United Kingdom that are not in favour of royalty at this time, and very often you see some criticism in the House of Commons of the royalty situation. With-out being disrespectful to them, if at a time when Britain decided that they would no longer want royalty, surely we are not going to have the whole royal house-hold troop out to Australia.

Another aspect you have to have a look at, of course, is that this proposition is not designed to occur tomorrow, nor is any of our socialist objective. People who have spoken to me about it think that we are going to get rid of the royal prerogative tomorrow, but of course we are not. This is an objective for

the future. Whether it be 15, 20 or 50 years' time, surely we have to set our sights for it at this time an it seems most appropriate that ae become very clear on where we are going.

Just recently, in one of the Murdoch presses in Western Australia, The Sunday Times, there was an

T14/l/PC 44 MR UREN 27/7/81 ALP

I

article by Buttrose who wanted to know what people thought of a republic Australia and they got swamped with answers in favour of it, to such an extent that The Sunday Times had to run an editorial saying why

this was. Evidently, when this question has been asked around Australia this has been generally the attitude which has been expressed.

I do draw your attention, too, to an article by Gough Whitlam in The Guardian Newspaper recently when he pointed out that while Australia pays about the same amount for royal representatives per head as

the British do, we get no tourist attraction out of them, as not too many would want to go and see governor-generals or governors of Victoria or what-have-you changing their guards. Therefore, we get back to the situation which we discovered we were in

in 1975 when we were very much under a feudal type of monarchy in Australia, quite different from that which exists in the United Kingdom, and it seems to be ap-propriate now that we take the necessary action.

For instance, the Queen - again without being disrespectful to her - is put in the absurd position due to our foreign policy very often times, when the Vietnam war was on, of having Australia recommend

imperial honours in the form of Victoria Crosses to people for their valour in the field of duty and the United Kingdom not having a bar of the war or whatever it was; so it shows how absurd the situation is now

and it goes to the extent where technically we could be at war with the United Kingdom because we could have our separate foreign policy. Politicians deter-mine when there is a war on. The prime ministers make

the announcement, and it would be absurd to try to have the one head of state trying to serve two causes under those circumstances, so without any disrespect

at all I think we should focus our attention for the future on the possibility of our becoming a republic.

MR WRAN: Seconded delegate Smith. That means, delegates, that amendment No. 18 becomes redundant and 19 stays in.

Amendment No. 20 - delegate Uren.

MR UREN: Mr Chairman, this deals with that section -principle of action - and under the present federal executive's proposal it has been determined that "principle of action" be deleted altogether. Now,

I sadly believe that that is a mistake. I believe that we should set down - and certain principles which were in the old principles of action should be retained - and I think other things should be added,

and those things which were added were a part of the earlier decisions, whether in 1921 or in 1927. I will just read proposal 20, up to date, and that is:

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45 MR UREN 27/7/81

Principle of Action: The Australian Labor

Party believes the task of building a democratic socialism is a co-operative process which requires -(a) constitutional action through the

state and Australian parliaments, municipal and other statutory authorities;

(b) union action;

(c) ongoing action by organised community groups.

Now, as the premier or the chairman said about our party, the union movement is an integral part of our party and there has to be a greater, closer spirit of co-operation. between both the parliamentary party on the one hand trying to bring about reforms and

changes of our society, at the same time working together in a spirit of co-operation with the union movement. What was formerly there, dealing with constitutional actions both of the state and Australian parliaments, municipal and other statutory authorities,. should be retained and that is action also, but above all our action should be geared to people's action, because unless we can get the

support of the people towards building a socialist society then I do not believe in the long term can we change, because within our society today, par-ticularly the major enemies of labour - the corporate

sector - they know what they are doing. They know where they are going. Frankly, we have to find a coalition of forces to combat that society and to bring about a change, of power. We have to change

power from the very few who control it at present and transfer it back to the great bulk of the people if we are going to make democracy really stand out, and I have found from personal experience in many cases within a cabinet it is the same elements that are putting down the option to that cabinet that are putting it down to the conservative governments of the day.

When we get into government, the real forces, the real concerns, the real people who are pushing down those options will be the bureaucracy - those now entrenched - and the only way that we will build a freer and open and more democratic society is to in a co-operative way stretch out and seek to get the spirit of co-operation in the parliamentary party, in the parliamentary way, in the union conglommeration way and certainly move with people's action.

T14/3/PC 46 MR UREN 27/7/81

ALP

Might I say, what happened in New Zealand today.

The New Zealand Parliamentary Labor Party fought every inch of the way in the parliamentary system to stop the Springboks' tour going on. They were not able to do' it, they were not able to stop it in the parliament and so the trade union movement and the people's action are now fighting their fight to bring about democracy, to make sure that the tyranny of apartheid is not continued and the . hypocrisy of allowing those Springboks to go on. I could give you other examples in our own society here.

Therefore I am asking that this conference and delegations give serious consideration - serious thought - to the proposal being put forward on behalf of a broad section of the Labor movement who believe

that the only. real way we are going to have a socialist society in this country is by progressive action, broad co-operative action over the broad section of our society.

(Continued on page 48)

T14/4/PC 47 MR UREN 27/7/81 ALP

MR WRAN: A seconder, please? Seconded by delegate Garland.

That moves us to amendment 21, standing in the name of delegate Cook.

MR COOK: Mr Chairman, I move this amendment. I believe, along with the West Australian delegation, that an amendment to the executive recommendation should be made and given a high priority in the terms of the amendments

submitted.

In the executive papers there was an executive recommendation 16, South Australia had the recommendation 16, Victoria recommendation seven and the AMWSU a recommendation 10, all of which are in the form of the executive 16, recognition and protection of fundamental political and civil rights, including freedom of expression, assembly, association, conscience and religion. The only reference to freedom of association

in our objectives, occurs in that section and indeed, it does not refer necessarily to fundamental political, civil and industrial rights. It limits in the objective, the words, political and civil rights.

I think that because of the very primary role the unions have played in the ALP, the vital focus that the ALP have on the union movement, that the fundamental guarantee of rights to assemble and freedom of

association be recognised in our objectives. That is quite proper for the ALP. It is a right the unions themselves seek and I believe that in this present political climate that it is not a right that we can assume is automatically guaranteed. I move accordingly.

MR WRAN: Seconded by delegate Butler. Delegates, the next amendment is number 22. Delegate Walsh of Western Australia.

MR WALSH: Mr Chairman, I direct attention to clause 13 to the national executive recommendation on page five which refers to the elimination and exploitation and lists various grounds and I am moving to delete from that

list, citizenship.

I have some doubts about the wisdom of attempting to lay down an exhaustive list of classifications, class, sex, religion and so on. I notice that the list that is there does not include race so it could be argued that we are politically endorsing racial discrimination or exploitation. Equally, it could be argued that we are endorsing exploitation of people with brown eyes or red hair. The reason I have picked on citizenship is based on the presumption that we do not impinge on citizens' voting rights, for example

and unless we do, attention could be directed to the specific wording of items in the platform and it could

T15/l/TL ALP 48 MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

be argued that the Labor Party is adopting a proposition

to give voting rights to non-citizens and unless we do propose to do that, I suggest that that one at least should be deleted from the-list because there is an identifiable possibility of such a misunderstanding

arising.

I might also add that it is not entirely a hypothetical question because there has already been some discussion within the federal caucus on voting rights for non-citizens. I move the amendment.

MR WRAN: Seconded by delegate Jamieson.

MR EVANS: I think this is a point of order. Could the minutes of the national executive resolution be checked because it was my understanding that the word 'race' was there and. the meaning that emerged from the executive notice has been lost in the typographical process, subsequently.

MR WRAN: It will take some time to check the minutes, delegate Evans. The general consensus here is that the word 'race' is - -sex, race, religion, yes.

We move on to amendment number 23, also made by Senator Walsh.

MR WALSH: I move to, this is under membership of the party, the first paragraph where it states, in effect, that membership is open to all those people except the programme and methods of the party and the amendment

is to delete, 'programme and methods' and substitute 'objectives'. The reason being that objectives are seen to be less restrictive than programme and methods. There have been examples, from time to time, where methods, for example, employed in some sections of the

party have been not acceptable to a number of quite loyal party members and even examples of where methods have not been acceptable to the party itself and we feel, or I feel, that the use of the word 'objectives'

instead of 'programme and methods' would be more appropriate in these circumstances. I move the amendment.

MR WRAN: Seconded by dele' number 24 which, amendment number presented in the amendment we are delegate Hartley

gate Jamieson. It is now amendment not to confuse the matter, was originally nine and that was the amendment which was name of ... Amendment 24 is the

now dealing with and it is moved by of Victoria.

MR HARTLEY: Thank you for your tolerance in allowing this to be brought back. If I can interpret this part of the paper warfare which is before the national conference. Basically, we have three alternatives on the issue of participation or control, thereby making decision making processes

effective.

T15/2/TL ALP 49 MR WALSH 27/ 7/81

The national executive is recommending participation.

Item 24, which I am moving as an amendment, the emphasis is on increasing their control whereas the Western Australian branch, a tendency which seems to have developed since 1962 when I last knew the branch well, is having two bob each way and they are going both for participation and control. I think that the importance of the item can be identified fairly easily by the choices before the national conference.

If in fact you adopt the model to which we attempted to give some emphasis in moving the primary Victorian objectives of the socialisation of the means of production and distribution and exchange, you adopt the model whereby, especially with socialised enterprises and in the interim with enterprises that are still under private capital control, that it should be a sort of,

society or a workplace giving the maximum participation to the actual workforce and when we imply the desirability of nationalisation, we do not want nationalised enterprises run by a great public service. We want democratically controlled enterprises by the workforce. It is just the fact of intervention of workers which is inherent in item 24 and which I think contrasts both with the national executive attitude and their recommendations where the emphasis is almost completely on worker participation or even that put forward by Peter Cook

from Western Australia where the principles of participation and effective controls run parallel to one another.

MR WRAN: Seconded. We come to amendment number 25. Peter Cook.

MR COOK: Thank you, Mr Chairman. I appreciate the introduction to my amendment already given by the movement of the last amendment. It does not seek to have two bob each way but does take the opportunity of putting before the

conference the third alternative which will likely to fall into place when this issue is discussed.

I do not think there is really much more for me to say about my amendment other than that it does not, I believe, anticipate the idea of participation working together with control but rather participation being a

form of drawing people into increasing their control over the decision-making processes affecting them and that is the concept that at least this amendment tries to achieve.

(Continued on page 51)

T15/3/TL ALP 50 MR HARTLEY 27/ 7/81

MR WRAN:

When you sa " i

f

y separate , they are

not to be c ompartmented during the period of suspension of standing orders. Anyone can speak on any issue arising under the original motion, and any amendment to the original motion the com partmentswill occur when the vote takes place later. MR UREN: So that it was not a bit of a hotchpotch in the debate

if I might say, I would have thought it would have been better, because you have agreed to put forward in five different proposals that we would be able to debate the objective first, the other aspects later and so forth, so that we would have had a continuity of dealing with one aspect in itself at a time.

MR WRAN: I do not see any real di sabilities in doing it this way. Now, it is moved and seconded. All those in favour. Against? It is carried. CARRIED

Does anyone wish to speak? Delegate Bowen.

MR BOWEN: I was just wondering how we might attract your attention and I am happy to get it.

I would like to put it on this basis. The problems we have had Politically with this objective have been the mis interpretation of it. Our opponents have been able to score politically on the basis that we were going to either take or prevent them having rights because we were going to be in this uncertain position of nationalising the means of production, distribution and exchange.

It is very clear, no matter what we do today, no High Court or other court is going to determine the exact phraseology that we use. It is going to be in the principles of what we are about when we are elected to government, whether it be in state or a federal sphere. Democractic socialism really does reflect the values of the democracy in which we are placed. It is a set of values which change from time to time as standards change, as problems arise. It should not be just a fixed situation as to what might have been the intention, whether it be an 1890, 1905, 1921 or now.

The position is what is it that the Australian democracy want to see happen in their society, and I would think a valid attempt was made in getting a redefinition both in the preamble and the objectives as to what it really means. There is the advantage of

spelling out in the objectives those number of points clearly indicate a number of specific issues which must be given the greatest protection, namely human rights, the rights of the individual, the right of freedom of

T16/2/CC 52 MR WRAN 27/7/81 ALP

speech, the right of freedom of association.

Now, the

greatest problem we face in political action is that people, whether they be capitalist or communist are proceeding first on the one hand that we are going to

take away ... and the other on the basis of the communist position of course that they can equate with democratic socialism.

Those of you who may look at the speeches made by Brezhnev or anyone else will see that they regard themselves as being socialists and democratic socialists and so do the Chinese leaders at the present time. They dishonour the word democracy and they have no entitlement

to it. They are just as interested in power as the capitalists which we oppose. They do not give freedom to their people, whether it be economic or civil. They deny it. It has got to be made very clear to the Australian nation that when we stand up as the Australian Labor Party and talk about democratic socialism, it is in no way to be equated with the soundings of those who espouse either the extreme right, that is the dictatorship position of those who want to monopolise capitalism and the workers, as well as the communist philosophy of again

saying," an the they w t to do e same thing, ostensibly for the good of all". As you know, their membership is limited to the elite and there oppression of the majority is wellknown. It is very significant in Europe at the present time that with the Polish situation, Solidarity has a membership of ten million and the communistparty three.

What I want to emphasise in discussing these matters here today is that we have something which is really worthwhile in Australia. To some extent, it is a great tribute to the Australian Labor Party now and in the past

that it has been able to develop a set of principles that mean this party can operate in society at different levels because of different talents.

MR WRAN: One minute to go. Do you seek an extension?

MR BOWEN: No, I will not take too much time otherwise there is not enough for everybody else but the point I want to make is this.

(Continued on page 54)

T16/3/TL ALP 53 MR BOWEN 27/ 7/81

It is important in our society to prevent

exploitation. It is the entitlement of people to run a small business or even a large business from that point of view, provided there is no exploitation. The question is the fair distribution of wealth. I do not want to see us debating too much the finer semantics of the words. The question

is - what are the principles we are about? They are about freedom and they are about rights and en-titlements. We abhor capitalism in its extreme and communism as it is applied. We deny that communists are democratic socialists; they are not. Those sores. of things could be clearly spelt out. They arenot so clearly spelt out if in the process it is saidthat we are not going to accept the principle of the private factor, whether it be small business or some-where else - the question of the individual in operating.I would just like to make this point. Thebiggest factor of change in our society in my viewis going to be the trade union movement, which hasthe ability to marshal labour and certainly - and hasnot yet used it - the ability to marshal capital tobring about change whereby ownership would be re-orientated back to the people who produce the wealth.That can happen within our society and it should. Itis ridiculous to think there are $22 billion worth ofemployees' funds made available for somebody else toinvest, usually against the principles for which westand, and it is on that basis, Mr President, I wanted the chance to say I think what we are about is poli- tical activity.Might I just conclude on this point: It is also attracting support for our political membership, whichat the present time is probably less than one federalelectorate entitled to vote, and the union membershipaffiliated with us is about one-third of those who would be entitled to affiliate with us. With thatsort of expansion of what we are about, I feel we would attract much more support. Whilst I can see merit in a number of the amendments, I think there is a lot of merit in what was attempted by the executive.MR HAWKE: For the Victorian delegation, Mr Chairman, Brian Howe is replacing Ray Hogan and I want to indicate that dele- gate Landeryou has resumed where he had been replaced by delegate Evans.MR GARLAND: Mr President and delegates, the federal conferencedecision of two years ago for the party to examine itssocialist objective and interpretation indicates theirawareness of vast and profound changes taking place inour society throughout the world. They were conscious of the need to extend and update the fundamental prin-ciple. A lot of work has been done by sections of theT17/l/PC 54 MR BOWEN 27/7/81 ALP

party on this detail. What is important is for us to

look at some of the impact changes which have and are occurring. It is not news to anyone at this conference that we are going through an economic crisis of major proportions which is likely to last for the foreseeable

future. Mass unemployment has hit the industrialised countries. It has, of course, been for a long time a permanent feature in the non-industrial, economically

colonised countries which represent the great majority of the population in this region. It is estimated that by the end of this year unemployment in the OEDC countries will exceed 30 million. This is in

the heartland of the industrialised world where both the trade union and the socialist movements get most of their strength from. The ramifications and misery of unemployment are enormous and we should think deeply of this more often.

While we can be happy at the great win of socialist leader Mitterand in France, it should be a matter of study as to the radical policies upon which he was elected. This is a, turn in the past

period of conservative politics and we are now looking at a watershed in the Australian political scene. Massive and continuing high levels of unemployment will, of course, here and overseas undermine the labour movement through some areas of confusion, resentment

and division. It has given transnational capital and corporations the opportunity to take advantage of the situation, to reorganise and consolidate world produc-tive processes under their dominant leadership and control. This process has major political dimensions. A number are adequately spelt out already in amend-ments put to this conference.

A further serious connotation is that economic crisis brings authoritarianism in its wake. The new world order that the transnationals are building car-ries with it a definite threat to democracy and it

carries with it a threat to the labour movement, since democratic socialism is the only force of any conse-quence which is fully committed to democracy - the only one that cannot exist in any other context. The pre-vailing theory of development we are faced with in this region of the world is that development depends on the growth of production and export orientated industries and under the most competitive conditions possible. This view, shared by conservative govern-ments in the third world, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the governments of most in-

dustrialised nations and large powers, postulates that low wages and degrees of exploitation are necessary and an inevitable condition for development. All social, political and economic life becomes subor-dinated to the effort to attract foreign investment

T17/2/PC 55 MR GARLAND 27/7/81

ALP

with its transnational content. In this context, trade

unions and socialist parties of any independent popular or labour organisation which serves as an instrument for workers and farmers to defend their interest, which fights for better wages and conditions or for social justice or for a measure of control by the working people over their own destiny, becomes an obstacle which has to be cleared away. .

The logical outcome of this reasoning is that democracy itself is a luxury that developing countries cannot afford and that democracy in developed countries is an obstacle that has to be moved, as it has been in Indonesia, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand etcetera.

We are now facing another ominous development. The labour ministers of five Asian countries and subsequently the ministers of the whole Asian Pacific region appear to have adopted a theory - free trade and free trade zones - which is part of the reorgani-sation of world production under the leadership and. control of transnational corporations. Under this drive, the labour movement takes up different stances.

MR WRAN: A minute to go, delegate.

MR GARLAND: Thank you.

MR WRAN: Moved delegate Uren, seconded delegate Young that the speaker's time be extended. Extension granted.

CARRIED

MR GARLAND: Thank you, delegates. There has been much discussion in other circles about the proposed United Nations' view of international economic order, but to devise and discuss blueprints in the ALP for a better society without first defining and understanding

the real power relationship and the new division of capital and labour remains at best a sterile exercise. The general principle in our party's objective of democratic socialism is the most cogent thing of our

time. However, it requires the full understanding of the commitment if we are to bring about ... hopes for a new society that so many hundreds of thousands of ordinary people are looking to us to bring about. What is special about democratic socialism is that it stands for a new set of moral and political values and a new system of society which includes improved quality of life and genuine concern for those in need. Socialism strives to create equality of opportunity and to remove the dissensions which are caused by social injustice, gross economic inequality and discrimination. Socialism is about striving for an equitable distribution of wealth

T17/3/PC 56 MR GARLAND 27/7/81 ALP

and power, and to remove misery, poverty and unemployment

amidst plenty.

Bill Hayden said not so long ago, and has repeated it quite often, that the socialists believe that the private profit motive leads to a society where con-spicuous personal consumption, excessive self-indulgence and individual selfishness are encouraged at the expense of the basic needs of others. To achieve the aims of a democratic socialist society, power is necessary to change the present inequitable structure. The real power rests in the hands of those. who control the means of production; distribution and

exchange and that is why it is so central to our party's theme. The real power rests in the hands of comparatively few people who have been appropriately named the commanding light of capital. These people have and will continue to resist any substantial change to their privileged and powered positions

that they are so comfortably engaged in. It is their decision which determines the extent and direction of the nation's economy.

MR WRAN: Thank y m, delegate Garland.

MR SMITH: I would like to request clarification perhaps of that procedural motion earlier. It has occurred to me that it might become apparent to delegates during the course of this cognate debate that further amend-ments might be necessary to some of the wordings that

they have done. Will you be accepting amendments which can perhaps be debated in this cognate debate?

MR WRAN: It was not the intention in a period of suspension of standing orders, and naturally the conference is the master of its own destiny, but we did sit from 10 o'clock until just over midday in relation to amendments to the principal motion, which is the national executive's recommendation which is before the conference, so the answer is. no, delegate.

MR BUTLER: Mr Chairman, I do not know whether this is the time to say what I was going to say, but I think that what I am about to say should be said. I believe that the problens which we have had with the 'socialist objective in the platform are problems of our own creating, simply because we have never ever in my memory taken the time to educate our supporters on the question of the socialist objective. It has been there since 1921 and never_; have we attempted to implement it, nor have we bothered to really educate the people of the elec-

torate as to what it is all about. Instead, we have run from it whenever it has been pushed up to us. We have denied it; we have not defended it. I suppose that the updating of it has given us the opportunity to look at it and bring it maybe more into line with

T17-18/4-1/PC. 57 MR GARLAND 27/7/81 ALP

present-day thinking, but it is no good doing that if

it is going to lie there for another sixty years and another group of people are going to meet in a similar situation like this and decide that because it has been an electoral disability, if I could put it that way, we need to again update it.

Whatever comes out of this debate, what is needed more than anything is our getting out, explaining it, defending it and implementing it. Otherwise we are just wasting our time.

MR WRAN: Any further speakers?

MR UREN: I just want a c larification, Mr Chairman, that under Mr Smith's proposal and in that proposal which I thought could be separate, it said that five parts of the objective would be moved, debated and voted on separately. If in fact we can talk in those five sections with respective objective discussion in the d

ifferent sections then I do not want to say anything

now - and I think delegates should know one way or the other - if the debate is ended after the speeches are over and we just take them into account, I think that is the sad thing about it. I just want a clarification: Is that the position?. If you claim the suspension of standing orders, is that the end of the talking session?

MR WRAN: Yes, and whilst that may be the content of delegate Smith's motion, when I discussed that motion earlier with the conference, I made it clear that the sections

or components of the resolution would be dealt with that way by vote, not by debate.

MR UREN: Mr Chairman, now that we have clarified the situation of everybody here, might I say this: would it be an appropriate time that we adjourn so that we then might be able to talk during lunch and then we might be freer to talk in the general debate immediately after lunch.

MR WRAN: That sounds like a remarkably sanguine proposal that we adjourn and take it up after lunch, delegates.

(Luncheon adjournment)

T18/2/PC 58 MR BUTLER 27/7/81 ALP

MR WRAN: Would delegates please resume their seats. Delegate Uren.

Yes, we have noted delegate Evans' presence. Noted, thank you. Does that include the credentialing situation? Delegate Uren.

MR UREN: Mr Chairman, now that we have clarified the situation, unless you speak during the time of suspension of standing orders, there will be no discussion generally during the time. I think it is regrettable that the conference is moving that way. In fact, many delegates are drawn to the proposal put forward by Mr Smith, or Mike Smith, of the Australian youth group,

that not only would it move motions in the different sections but they would be debated. So, the Chairman has given his rule so I just want to set down some of the issues and what position I will take myself. and certainly I will support the ACT and vote for the -ACT proposal. I will vote for the South Australian

proposal and I will vote for the Victorian issue.

Having said that, I am not saying that the proposition that the federal executive has put forward insofar as the objective is concerned, has not been a step in the right direction because there was a time when in fact there has been a good deal of white-anting within the party that in fact we should block our socialist objective. It is good that everybody's conscience is clear that in fact we should retain our socialist objective but just in fact clarify the interpretation of that issue.

I want to just briefly deal with some aspects of those words "to the extent necessary to eliminate exploitation and other social features in these fields". I feel the position of the left should be clarified because the press generally are determining what our position is. Generally the left have never found in

the party as a part of the coalition of forces - they have never found a problem of dealing with the fact that whenever capital is involved; wherever capital is

involved it exploits. But having said that we on the left have also recognised that in joining a coalition of forces, in meeting the real enemies as we see it of labour, we have always advocated a coalition with small businessmen,with small farmers. In fact we go further

than that. We say that we will join in coalition with national capitalists if they will join our struggle for freedom and independence in this country against foreign

corporations. That is the real struggle and we join in real unity, so there are no problems there.

Now, delegates will find that many people in the party have been concerned that it needs in some way a kind of a clearer clarification. The Victorians go so far back to the 1921 position of a pure socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange position. Other delegations - the South Australians -T19/l/TL 59 MR UREN 27/7/81 ALP

want to drop certain words. Now, there is a reason

for that because there are some people within the party who really feel at this stage of history when corporate capital throughout the world are restructuring

the whole society of the system under which we live and so, some of them, really feel that they want to move it a bit further and therefore I hope there is tolerance towards that position because of understanding. John Garland, in his comments this morning, talked about the question of the OECD countries. The OECD countries, the rich man's club, the wealthy nations of the world, from the late seventies when there are 17 million people unemployed, by the middle 1980's they project that there will be in the vicinity of 30 million people unemployed in those countries. Even in Europe itself the Labor movements and the socialist party and those democratic socialist parties within those countries are really looking at their situation for the restructure and they are finding new ways and alternatives of looking at the approach to the socialist objective as they have never looked before.

The socialist party of France has gone forward and that is an example of what can be done and we say clearly that we want government, we are working towards govern-ment as a part of a coalition of forces and behind the

unity of the party which we must do, it seems to me as I have experienced the years of 1969 to 1972, what we found there was a unity of purpose of all sections of

the party, moulding behind the leadership and really struggling the real enemy - that is the Fraser forces or the conservative forces - which represent corporate capital in this country. That is the feeling of struggle of our section of the party - working towards that objective. I will finish up now, no extensions.

I thank conference delegates for their patience and I want to place that on record so that people outside this party cannot force their interpretations of what a section of a party, what stand it is going to take at this conference.

MR WRAN: Delegate Green.

(Continued on page 61)

T19/2/TL ALP 60 MR UREN 27/ 7/81

MR GREEN:

Thank you, Mr Chairman. I find this debate somewhat difficult since it has covered such a wide field, but when I look at the national executive proposal, par-ticularly in light of Parts IV and V of that, it does

seem to be to some extent a weaker socialist objective of the national executive than the existing one. Al-though personally I believe any form of capitalism necessarily involves exploitation and therefore personally I am not greatly concerned whether those words "to the extent necessary to remove exploitation"

are included, when one looks at the proposals of IV and V which talk about maintaining maintenance of and support for a competitive non-monopolistic private sector controlled and owned by Australians etcetera, when you read that in conjunction with the objective

itself one feels that there is a significant chance to make it easy for people to say that capital is not exploitative at all and "we really support the capi-talist system". Therefore I personally feel that we

should adopt one of the other states' proposals to more clearly outline that the Australian Labor Party believes that the capital system is exploitative and

should need modification.

That is, of course, not to say that small business is exploitative - I personally believe that small business is - but I think it is important to adopt a socialist objective which clearly outlines that we

see the large multinational corporation as being ex-ploitative and some of the other state proposals put that more clearly than the national executive. It is also clear that the Tasmanian state council is of that opinion when we adopt the metal workers' proposal rather than the executive one. Thank you, Mr Chairman.

MR WRAN: Thank you, delegate Green. Delegate Hartley, Victoria.

MR HARTLEY: Mr Chairman, if at this stage it is possible to combine and encapsulte and summarise some of the attitudes which flow on from the Victorian conference decision which already has been explained, what vir-

tually the Victorian branch is saying in its approach to the basic socialist objective as restated from the original 1921 executive is the notion that the Austra-lian economy must be used for the benefit of the Australian people and not just a foreign plaything.

It is an assertion of independence and it is an as-sertion of what should flow from that masthead attitude.

We obviously all have in our minds this dichotomy alluded to earlier regarding philosophy and practice in any case, and I do restate the position that for us to get some product out of this conference, particu-larly in terms of objective, and not unrelated in terms

T20/1/PC 61 MR GREEN 27/7/81 ALP

of organisation, we need to be totally concise and

precise as to what we are about in the statement of words and also in the analysis which backs it up. I recall that unfortunately and fairly narrowly four years ago in Perth when I and some other Victorian delegates moved that continuous monitoring of trans-

national companies and their activities in Australia be set up, that approach was not adopted by the national conference. I would hope that in the meantime we have learned quite a lot from historical

experience - the historical experience of countries like Canada who have suffered from this phenomenon, Latin American countries - and also the effect of

monetarous policies in countries like Britain. I frankly see our direction, almost despite what is determined at this conference, is in the direction of the assumption that a socialist objective is more necessary today than ever it has been, and I think as with the labour movements in other countries it will be impelled to that attitude and to that decision and have to act upon it.

Now, I realise that sometimes we back away because of the sort of public reaction which we may expect. Lionel Bowen actually should have given the conference a good deal of heart today when he re-

ferred to the strengths of the trade union movement, and we do have this historical relationship with the trade union movement, and the trade union movements gives special strengths in this situation against the

sort of reaction which obviously you are going to get from the media and from the ruling forces of society.

There is basically no social democratic solution available to the existing economic crisis, and with respect to a Victorian colleague who has been actively and I believe constructively - although one would disagree with what he has put forward - involved in this whole debate about the socialist objective, and that is Gareth Evans, I think that h is amendment sub-mitted as No. 3 entirely misses the point because

really we are getting more and more to a model which is polarised, and social co-operation obviously means co-operation with the sort of forces which frankly are trying to nobble this movement as they have in Britain where they have set up the answer to the leftward drift

of the British Labor Party because in fact they had no alternative in view of the economic circumstances there, and that is that they have wedged into the middle a sort of social democratic party which is operating in con-junction with the Liberal Party in Britain, and this seems to be the British ruling class's hope - and it may well not work - that in fact the correct labour movement response to the monetarous policies of Thatcher and international capitalism and their effect in the

T20/2/PC 62 MR HARTLEY 27/7/81 ALP

industrialising and having vast social consequences

in Britain will not reach the conclusion that it should, and that is the defect of the Thatcher government.

MR WRAN: One minute, delegate. Do you want an extension?

MR HARTLEY: No thanks, Comrade Chair. We see the issue in that light. We believe that in fact there should be direct ownership, especially of new projects - new direct social ownersh,p. We do not believe in the principle of creating by the Reynolds Corporation, Alcoa, various subsidies in setting up alumina

smelters here. We believe in fact, as it were, that the commanding heights of the economy - and especially the financial system - should be taken over in the social interest, and we believe also that it should be subject, as indicated in amendment 24, to a substantial degree of worker control. That in sum-mary is an attitude and one of the alternatives which

are available to this conference now, and I would suggest finally that if the alternative is not adopted now it may well be adopted through circumstances, even when the national conference is out of session.

MR (Western Australia): Mr Chairman, could I notify you that delegates Giles and Gilbert replace delegates Butler and Cook in the West Australian delegation.

MR WRAN: That is noted.

MR (Victoria): Mr Chairman, just a procedural change to comrade Theophanous from myself for Victoria.

MR WRAN: Noted. Any further speakers? Yes - delegate Mike Smith, Australian Young Labor.

MR SMITH: I would like to speak briefly, I hope, about the amendments relating to a republic for Australia. The amendment, as delegates I hope will recall, is to alter the word "nation" to "republic". I understand some delegates were surprised to see that here. However, it is something that was put up quite strongly by the WA state conference and consequently went into the agenda for this conference.

The concept of republic, I think, is quite important. A lot of people in the party feel that it is a non-issue, and that was put up by state conference - that is, the state I originate from -and it was put to the state conference of the Western Australian branch of the party that it was something

that people were not interested in and consequently it was something that should not have been forwarded in the socialist objective to the national conference of the party.

T20/3/PC 63. MR HARTLEY 27/7/81

ALP

That was rejected very strongly by the state

branch. It was rejected very strongly because delegates felt that it was not discussed in the party, quite right, but it was not discussed because the people who would have done the discussing presumed that that was something we were all after. I think if you go

back to the grass roots in your party, you are going to find that your grass roots membership do not talk about republic any more, because they did that in 1976 and they do not need to talk about it any more. They are in favour of a republican system in Austra-

lia.

"Republic" itself is a word derived from two Latin words - "rem publicam" - and it means thing of the people. We are a party of the people and we I think are interested in the government for the

people - that is, we want a republic, a government of the people. We do not want leadership by birthright handed to us by the proxy of the governor-general and the leadership of the birthright handed to us by proxy

through the state governors. We want government of the people.

As we have seen, and I do not need to go into it in any great detail because we all remember 1975, the poweis exercised in this non-republican system that we have are not exercised by a figurehead. They are not nominal powers.

(Continued on page 65)

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ALP

They can do in a democratically elected government and

we want to change that system so that it is a system of government of the people that is reflecting the needs and aspirations of the people, and that is a republic.

We do not want to be governed by a relic from another country. We want a government of the people and you should go back to those original words. We are a thing of the people. That is what we want. We are a party of the people and that is what we should be supporting.

MR WRAN:

Yes, thank you, delegate. Vice-president Mick Young.

MR YOUNG:

I just thought it an opportune time - the South Australian delegation met at lunchtime on this question -and I think unanimously agreed that as individuals we would support the concept of a republic. It is not

something to come here to found by a state conference. ® It was discussed some years ago and I have mentioned this

to the movement on the motion of Colin Jamieson. It would be our intention in this delegation to move a procedural motion on this question and I think that is the reason I am advising you now that the question of

replacing the term "nation" with "republic" be the subject of a debate within the party and that the legal and constitutional committee be asked to bring a report and recommendation on this matter to the 1982 policy conference and that is what we will be submitting from South Australia on this subject later on in the afternoon.

MR HOWELL: It is rather unfortunate, I think, Mr Chairman, that the debate has been somewhat lack-lustre up to this point and that so many people who have a very strong interest in the outcome of the debate appear to be remarkably silent. There is no more important issue of a theoretical and practical nature than the question of attitude to the socialist objective. No issue will determine more where this party goes in the last decades of this century. When we debate the objective of the party we are not debating what might happen to be in the policy speech for the next election although we hope that this debate would

influence the policies that are established next year and it would influence the content of those policies, particularly in relation to key issues such as a commitment to public ownership. We are, Mr Chairman, considering not simply the present but we are considering the historical direction of this party, and necessarily, and it is unfortunate that as a party we very often avoid this, necessarily in these circumstances it is important to analyse the nature of capitalism. A number of speakers have referred to the historical development of capitalism and particularly the increasing power of international

capital which threatens at this particular stage, as we are all very much aware, even the power of the nation's state.

T21/1/HC 65 MR SMITH 27/7/81

ALP

Now, Mr Chairman, if we are to deal with that

immense power which is increasingly coming to have such a hold over the Australian economy that one might question whatever decisions are made in Canberra, they can very

much influence the direction of this country, within that context it is extremely important as a party that we reaffirm our historic commitment to socialism. When we talk about socialism we are not talking merely about public ownership or merely about something which might be described as state capitalism but we are talking about economic democracy in the broader sense. We are talking

about a transfer of power where ordinary people in this country can determine not only within the political arena but within the economic arena which influences the quality of their lives and their standard of living what the

direction should be.

Now, Mr Chairman, if there are people in this conference who believe that other than a massive extension of public ownership, there are ways of directing investment in this country so that we are able to raise the standards of living of ordinary people, then I think it is about time they got up and addressed the conference, because I believe that many of the policies that have been adopted in the past by the labour movement have been based on economic philosophy which is not as relevant in the present

context as it may have been in the past, and which does not have within it the solution to the economic problems which are facing this country.

I think we ought to recognise, Mr Chairman, that there is, rising within this country as in so many other western countries, what might be described as a fiscal crisis of the state and that fiscal crisis, Mr Chairman, flows from the fact that the state is increasingly being asked to bear burdens that it cannot possibly bear. On the one hand, increasingly we are being asked to support and subsidise capital - I notice that Bill Hayden recently referred to

subsidies in the order of ten billion dollars a year - and on the other we are being asked to sustain and make plain the welfare state and to provide a social wage.

Now, without radically different policies we are not going. to be able to meet both those objectives. We are not going to be able to sustain a healthy economy and on the other hand increase people's standard of living on the

social wage and it is no accident that we are getting development such as developments in France and in Britain where parties to the left are recognising that their socialist commitments are not simply relevant in the longest

term as a kind of utopia but they are relevant to the particular economic circumstances which we confront and we face.

MR WRAN: You have one minute to go.

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ALP

MR

I move an extension.

MR WRAN: Move for an extension of time - all those in favour? MR HOWL: I will not go on much longer. Mr Chairman, I believe that there is in fact underlying a number of theresolutions passed by state branches a great deal of consensus about some of the things that I have beensuggesting. I think that there is a recognition that we as a party need to support socialism, not simply asan ameliorative measure but as a genuine alternative tothe capitalist system. I think there is considerablesupport for the view that in talking about the movement,and we need to have a transitional programme, that it is the commanding heights. It is the monopoly sector that needs to be tackled, that if we are to bring firms intopublic ownership, it is not the smaller firms and thecompetitive sector but it is the largest firms whichgenerate the greatest deal of wealth, which increasingly in this country is simply flying overseas.Further, if we are to extend the public sector and we are to establish new firms within the productivesector of the economy, that they ought to be run in a way which provide for the maximum degree of industrialdemocracy and the greatest opportunity of the workers tohave a say in the decisions that affect them. We are not advocating, Mr Chairman, state capitalism, just as people in 1921 did not advocate state capitalism, and if onelooks at the resolutions that were put to that conference in--the whole, then one sees the considerable emphasisthat was placed on industrial democracy at that time, andno issue has been more neglected by the labour party and indeed by the labour movement, and yet no issue is more crucial if we are to talk about a socialist society.So, Mr Chairman, I want to support those resolutions which emphasise our historic commitment to the socialisation of the means of production and distribution and exchange, and not to qualify those resolutions but to allow them to flow in to an i nterpretation which suggests their contemporary relevance.MR WRAN: Delegate Keating, New South Wales.MR KEATING: Mr Chairman, Lionel Bowen in his address this morning addressed himself to some of the tenets of the existingobjective and the performance of labour throughout its history, and he talked about things such as the questionof exploitation, a fair distribution of wealth, freedom and its entitlements, the right of people to operate asmall and a large business, and he made it very clear thatthere has been a great difference between that sort of objective and that sort of a party, and a party whichadvocates a centrally planned economy with full ownership on the East European model, and he made it clear and I endorse his sentiments, that that has never been whatthe Labor Party has stood for, and I hope it never willT21/3/HC 67 MR HOWE 27/7/81 ALP

stand for such a proposal. The South Australian heart of

the debate today presents a clear challenge. It says that the objective of democratic socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange, is to eliminate exploitation and other antiT.social features. It never

talks about it to any extent. It is a policy of blanket socialisation, or to put it in its crudest terms, nationalisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange.

(Continued on page 69)

T21/4/HC 68 MR KEATING 27/7/81 ALP

Now, Brian Howe .. just said he is not advocating state

capitalism. I am not sure exactly what Brian Howe is advocating. I do not think Brian is either. Frankly, I do not think anyone on the left has made an even slightly respectable case for the massive change which this objective would wreak upon the Australian Labor Party. No one has addressed themselves to what sort

of wherewithal an Australian Labor Government would need to have to give effect to such a proposal. One only just wants to look at Business Review or any of the business publications for any week. The market capitalisation - that is, the share price times the .number of shares - of the first 50 companies. It comes

to 31 billion dollars. The top ten is about 14 billion dollars. We have heard no debate about how this would be financed, how the Labor Party would go ... for such a policy, and we are flat out trying to manage a modest budget deficit to put some humane make-work programmes into the last election campaign. There has been no attempt to touch those central issues at all.

What we are being asked to do is to commit the Labor Party to a programme of massive nationalisation which, in the Australian political context, is absolute errant nonsense. We have never shrunk from introducing where appropriate government corporations into such areas as banking, communications, insurance, transport and in energy. At the last national conference, I was associated with a plank of government-owned hydrocarbon corporations searching for oil and gas in this country because there is a clear social need, but there is no

social need to own BHP lock stock and barrel, or Mount Isa Mines lock stock and barrel, and if it is not that we are to give them a just purchase price in terms of the Constitution on what constitutional basis are we to

take them over? To expropriate them, would we have a mandate for expropriation? Well, of course, you would not have a mandate for expropriation and the notion that in some way all of the earnings of these companies

will fund some massive foray of public expenditure belies the fact that most Australian businesses run on retained earnings,, and if you look at the contributions of the Commonwealth - from Telecom or Qantas or TAA, or the Commonwealth Bank - net of retained earnings, you would

find you could run very little on it indeed. They certainly have a place in the economy, one we all support, but to move from that to one of massive nationalisation of course is a step which the Labor Party should not take.

Now let us look at the question that. a couple of speakers in support of the South Australian proposition talked about, foreign investment. Well, of course, that is a motherhood. proposition here. We are - - -MR WRAN: One minute to go, delegate. Moved delegate Richardson.

Seconded delegate national secretary for an extension of time. All those in favour. Against? Extended. T22/1/CC 69 MR RICHARDSON 27/7/81 ALP

MR RICHARDSON:

Mr Chairman, the Labor Party has championed the cause of economic nationalism in this country and brought the conservatives around in some very large measure now to supporting that policy too to lift the

level of Australian ownership. No one disputes the fact that there is too high a level of foreign investment in our country, but you have got organisations like the AMP Society taking up holdings in what is called by delegate Hartley "the commanding levels of the economy" and you

say well what is wrong with the AMP Society where at least it has hundreds or thousands of policy holders who corporately own that organisation, and it is in the commanding areas of the economy. The national

superannuation funds, the Commonwealth Superannuation Fund, and if we had national superannuation in this country - a policy we have supported - we would have a massive amount of capital available to invest. As. Lionel Bowen pointed out earlier, also the ownership of industries by employees in industries. This is the way within the Australian political context of lifting Australian ownership and evenly and equitably dividing

the wealth, but this approach that we have to own everything, without any discussion whatsoever, without any attempt to indicate how a Labor government could go with any chance of success to the public and seek a mandate for that kind of a nationalisation programme I think does little justice to the argument being put here by those people in support of that kind of policy.

Mr Chairman, I urge on the conference that they reject that line of argument and adopt the national executive position which does reflect the fact that we are a group of mixed interests in the Labor Party. We have supported the objective in the past. We can

support the national executive objective, all of us. Many of us cannot support the South Australian proposition, and if we were to support it we could kiss the next federal election goodbye. It would be pointless for you, Mr Chairman, running again as premier for New South Wales at the end of the year. Frank Wilkes may as well put his cue in the racks straight away, and we could all go home feeling good but electorally unsuccessful..

MR WRAN: Senator Button?

MR BUTTON: Mr President, I want to support the national executive's recommendation and in so doing I would just remind the conference that we are in many ways not very far apart emotionally, but what we are talking about is words and what we find ourselves doing here is being

something: like the good ship Venus which some of you will remember, just floated on a sea of words, and the debate has not been very impassioned or very interesting perhaps because I think we all recognise that it has a slight note of unreality about it. Some of the unreality of course stems from the fact that we are a national

T22/2/CC 70 MR RICHARDSON 27/7/81 ALP

conference of a very big and broadly-based movement

and I would just like to remind delegates if I may some of the constraints which are placed upon the Labor Party. Not external constraints, but constraints from within the Labor movement itself.

The present objective of the party has been there for a very long time and when Tom Uren says - I think absolutely rightly - that we need some clarification of it what he really means, though, is that we need some substance in it in terms of what we announce we would

in fact do because that is what people outside are concerned about. They are not concerned about the debate about words. They are concerned about what we would in fact do. The constraints which operate on the Labor movement are very real. Let me give you some

examples.

Since 1949, in spite of a socialist objective albeit as some delegates would say unsatisfactory, there has been no proposal for a national Labor government discussed at any one of these conferences to nationalise particular

industries except one. That was the stevedoring industry which the Whitlam government suggested might appropriately be nationalised. What constraint was placed on us then? The Waterside Workers' Federation, a constituent of this party, said they would not have a bar of it and the proposal to nationalise the stevedoring industry disappeared. These are very real constraints which reflect the diverse nature of the Labor movement to which we all belong and if we go on, as we can do, with a very

academic sort of exercise in terms of words and more words then I think we ought to have regard to the sort of realities with which we as a Labor movement are faced internally, having regard to our constituent members, and the sort of constraints which we face in

this society as well. Nobody disagrees I think with the sort of sentiments that have been expressed by pretty well all delegates here, but they do disagree in terms of what we can do as a matter of reality and what the practicalities are having regard as I said above all of the constituent parts of the Labor movement.

Now, what we are talking about basically is what the words "to the extent necessary" mean. Some people think I suppose that we will from now on, if those words are eliminated, our conferences will be full of virile

debate about whether we nationalise particular industries or not. I very much doubt it on the experience of the last 30 or 40 years. I would welcome it, but I very much doubt it on the basis of our experience. The words

"to the extent necessary" which are included in the national executive proposal have been there as I say for a long time, but what they mean is that in respect of any particular situation this party is entitled to make a judgement, a judgement about whether the course

T22/3/2C. 71 MR RICHARDSON 27/7/81 ALP

suggested in terms of a proposal for state ownership

of an industry is necessary or not and if we are not entitled to make that judgement, if we go on some act of faith that as a consequence of those words being deleted then all the sorts of values which we say we espouse will follow, then I say we are in for some very rude shocks.

(Continued on page 73)

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ALP

If you delegates look at the national executive proposal

and see, particularly items two and three which will be depated, I-suppose, independently later, items two and - three, if this national executive proposal in relation to the objective itself are defeated, items two and

three in a sense become nonsensical.

MR WRAN: One minute to go.

S it. BUTTON: I think we have got to look - as I said at the beginning - at the sort of words we are talking about and the words in relation to other words in the proposal which nobody else in this conference

has disagreed with in any major, way in the 25-odd amendments that have been put forward. What the party will .be looking for, arising from this conference, is some sort of better understanding than they get at the moment as to what the Labor Party will actually do and I think it is there in the

national executive proposal and it is for that reason that I support it, having regard to the other factors which I have mentioned.

MR WRAN: Any other speakers? Delegate Theophanous.

MR THEOPHANOUS: Thank you, Mr Chairman. I want to do a couple of things in my remarks. First of all, I want to emphasise how important it is that the socialisation is part of the essence of democratic socialism. Now, Mr Evans in some of his remarks referred to it as a means and they are means of achieving our goals.

But it is not just a means. It is part of what we mean by socialism that we have substantial public and social ownership of major enterprises and I think that is something which is recognised even in the

national executive's recommendation.

I want to argue quite strongly for the South Australian amendment to delete: "to the extent necessary". In Labor governments in the past - and this has been, in a sense, supported by John ;Button's

remarks - this clause has been used as a justification by Labor governments not to include substantial concrete socialisation measures, claiming in fact, that such measures are necessary; claiming, in fact,

that such measures are too difficult - as was claimed by Comrade Keating or that they are in fact unconstitutional and I want to address myself to those points.

First of all, as has already been remarked, in this day and age. with a crisis of capitalism throughout the world, there has never been a time when socialisation has been more relevant. The economic context of

T23/1/TL ALP 73 SEN.BUTTON 27/ 7/81

Keynesianism has now been lost. The agreement that you

can run an economy like ours through traditional Keynesianism measures has now been abandoned and what we have is in fact an onslaught by neo-conservatives adopting very tough measures to redistribute wealth in

favour of the rich and in favour of the major corporations.

In fact, this has taken the form, for example, of selling off what small part of public enterprise that we have in Australia - such as TAA - to private hands and I want to ask comrade Keating if his proposals are correct and it is difficult to socialise anything, are we going to allow them to sell it off and if they sell

it off, are we going to leave it at that or are we going to bring it back into public hands? And, if we are going to take it back into public hands, then that means that we are going to have to develop the means and the measures and the methods for concrete

socialisation.

Now, Brian Howe referred to the fiscal crisis of the state and there is no question that we have such a fiscal crisis. The Fraser government has generated more money in terms of taxation than ever before in Australia's history and has dramatically cut government

services and I put it to you that the kind of programme we all want, in terms of health, education, welfare and all these other measures, is going to need a lot of public revenue. Now, where is that public revenue going to come from if not from public ownership and much better public ownership. and socialisation. We know what is happening in the Australian economy.

Increasingly it has been taken over. The richest, the wealthiest sector, the resources sector, has been taken over by major multinational corporations and wealth is leaving this country at an unprecedented rate. Are we

then simply to sit by and let this continue while the standards of living of Australian people generally are going to be reduced? I put it to you, that we would not even deserve the local Labor party if we were to allow this to continue and therefore we have got to stop it and we have got to reverse it and the only way we are going to reverse it is by measures which are in

fact going to tackle this question. That wealth-generating sector of the economy in particular, the resources sector, the mining sector, where the benefits of that are going to go.

MR WRAN: One minute left, delegate.

MR THEOPHANOUS: I put it to you that we need measures to take into public ownership sections of this resources sector. As regards the financial and constitutional barriers that have been referred to, it seems to me that these barriers can be overcome to a considerable degree and

T23/2/TL ALP 74 MR THEOPHANOUS . 27/ 7/81

what we need is imagination. We need to think about

policies, concrete policies, which will in fact allow for a much greater extension of the productive centre of this country.

MR HAWKE: Mr Chairman, I wish to speak in support of the executive resolution which I would remind delegates has two features to be remembered about it.

Firstly, it represents the outcome of a thorough and, I believe, sensible discussion of the national executive and secondly, it is a resolution which contains an outline of commitment to the principle of democratic socialism.

Having said that, Mr Chairman, I must say that one can only come to the conclusion at this stage that we are indeed a party of paradox. While we have a government which is intent on creating two nations in

this country, of propping up privilege and at the same time allowing the emergence of two million unemployed in this country, allow the emergence of more than half a million people living in poverty, allow the situation where we have an increasing handing over of the resources of this country to international interests, it is a government which is deliberately engaged in a confrontation tactic based upon an implicit desire to recreate a position of industrial serfdom in this country. It is a government which has been totally reprehensible in its refusal to negate the abhorrent policies of the Western Australian and Queensland governments in respect of aborigines, by its refusal of the Commonwealth government to exercise the powers deliberately given to it by the Australian people. It

is a government which is engaged in a programme of international irresponsibility as exhibited by its support of totally unsustainable policies, for instance,

in regard to El Salvador. While we have a government engaged in all those things, we delude ourselves in this debate that the people out there in Australia are addressing their minds to these issues by calling

for the Australian Labor Party to purify itself by adopting a wider, a more specific, a firmer declaration of its commitment to socialism than that contained in the sensible executive resolution.

Mr Chairman, I want to suggest to you that, in the light of those realities on the one hand of what the government is doing - disastrously - to this country and what the people out there are thinking about those disastrous policies, that it is a massive exercise in

self-delusion to believe that what the people are wanting is for the ALP to put itself in a condition to get into government to deal with those problems, as I say, by adopting some wide, more specific_, more unqualified commitment to socialism.

T23/3/TL 75 MR HAWKE 27/ 7/81

ALP

One of the previous speakers from the Victorian

delegation, delegate Howe, in some way which totally escapes my mind, seemed to.sustain himself in his position by saying, if we look at what is happening in Britain in respect to the Labor movement, that will lead you inexorably to the conclusion that this

party has got to go further and further down the road to committing itself to more specific socialism. Some day, some time, Brian will explain how the evidence in Britain justifies that conclusion. I would think the events of the last two weeks sustain the opposite conclusions. But, as far as this self-delusion is concerned, worse than that, is the proposition that you are engaged in a misrepresentation as far as the public is concerned because the fact is that we know

that as far as the constitutional realities are, that a government returned, a Labor government returned, would •not be in the constitutional position to go any further down the road than the commitment which is

contained in the executive resolution.

(Continued on page 77)

T23/4/TL ALP 76 MR HAWKE 27/ 7/81

There is a need for the Australian Labor Party to be

and to be seen to be, different from our conservative opponents and it is simply not sustainable, Mr Chair-man, to try to put the proposition that if the executive resolution is adopted in the terms that are put before this conference, we as a united labor party could not go out of this conference with a platform and a policy and objective which would in

fact be diametrically opposed to the conservative philosophy as embraced by Fraser. Of course, the fact is that we would be different, but not only would we be in fact different in terms of objective and concept and philosophy, but more important in one

sense ultimately that in fact being different is the fact; that by the adoption of that resolution, Mr Chairman, we would be adopting a realistic conception-al and directional framework which would enable - - -MR WRAN: One minute to go.

MR HAWKE: I can finish in that time - - - which would enable an incoming Labor government in fact to act and not merely to fulminate in remedying these drastic in-justices which are being inflicted upon this country by a conservative government, and it would enable that

incoming Labor government, Mr Chairman, to do those things in terms which are understood by and are ac-ceptable to the Australian people and which would be constitutionally capable of achievement.

MR WRAN: Delegate Cain, Victoria.

MR CAIN: Mr Chairman, I want to indicate my general support for what the federal executive is proposing here. When I have regard to what has been said in the debate which has taken place in Victorian branrch, at any rate, over the last two years or thereabouts, it seems to me that ,what the federal executive has done is to distil from

the feeling within the party a form of words which has some real meaning in the task we have before us, and it seems to me the key to all this is in the bridge words which stand between the declaration and. link it

with the operation and the putting into effect of those key words.

Mr Chairman, theory is of little consequence until it is applied to people, circumstances. and events, and what that link does is to give some meaning to the people whom we should be concerned about - the people whom we seek to influence both within the party and outside the party. When anybody asks us what is the Labor Party on about so far as any particular matter is concerned, we can tell them by reference to those 21 propositions. I do not suggest that any one of us would have come up with the same 21 had we been given

the task, but to the ordinary people who look to us and

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rely upon us and support us, the programme of action

is more relevant to them than a bland statement of the objectives, and that is what those words linking the statement with the programme enable us to do.

When we look at those words, there are not many aspects of activity in this country, in this state, where we cannot say to people what the Labor Party is on about. It spells out to them some meaning; it

spells out to them in a way that they can understand what our programme of action is, and I believe that they give us an opportunity to be more relevant to

the community at large. They mean something to the people whom we seek to represent.

What I want to put is that we can talk all day about the form of words, but the facts are that the executive has distilled from the discussion - the debate which has gone on - a form of words which does have, so far as I can discern from the Victorian branch, acceptance as a general statement of principles and how those principles will be put into effect, and

I generally support the state for' those reasons.

MR WRAN: Delegate Beazley, Western Australia.

MR BEAZLEY: Mr Chairman, I wish to support the West Australian amendment and oppose other amendments and explain something of the background of the West Australian review of the socialist objective. If we had approached the review of the socialist objective with a view that what we in fact were writing was a programme and not an objective, I think we would probably want to have

started with an explanation as to why after 60 years of its existence and about 100 years collectively of .state and federal Labor governments, we have not yet achieved that objective. Because we considered it an

objective and not a programme of X tion, we did not feel particularly obliged to offer that explanation and the concern in the Labor party in Western Australia at least in putting forward the motion that we have done, which has expanded somewhat that section which deals with the socialisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange, was to retain the Labor Party broadly within the international democratic socialist movement and to state that the ultimate objectives are as they are outlined and have been in the past.

Now, we understood that this was not going to be a forum in which policy matters would be debated and as far as I can see in none of this is there a specific programme of action for nationalisation or even a pro-gramme of action for non-nationalisation - a determination that certain other types, of action will have priority - and nor should there be in any

T24/2/PC MR CAIN 27/7/81 ALP 78

of the resolutions though there has been to a

considerable degree in the debate, because that is not what a determination of a socialist objective is about.

The British experience is cited, the French experiences are cited, as arguments for the socialist objective. They are not arguments for the socialist objective; they are arguments for dramatic revision of the current programme of action which we have, which is a matter to be properly considered next

year, not a matter to be considered here today, and to a very considerable extent the debate so far has been on those matters quite irrelevant.

Now, as far as the West Australian branch is concerned, the term "socialisation" contains its own qualification. "Socialisation" does not equal . nationalisation; nationalisation may be an aspect of socialisation. Socialisation also includes the type of union management/government planning agree-ments which are suggested in the British Labor Party's alternative economic programme, which does not con-

stitute a total elimination of private enterprise, but which might be said to be eliminating an element of exploitation within it. It also includes the Swedish programme of action which incorporates a suggestion

that a portion of the profit should be expropriated by the workers collectively, not individually, and used to secure further workers' control over parti-cular industries in which it is imposed. There are a vast array of possibilities under the rubric

socialisation. It is its own qualification. It would be a great shame if our resolution was carried and immediately everybody raced out of the conference and said "What the Labor party has proposed today is

immediate nationalisation of all industries" because it would be an infantile interpretation of the ob-jective which we have put forward and proposed.

One of the problems of this debate - and I will conclude on this note - and one of the problems of the objective is that there has never been a programme of action for implementation or a theoretical analysis of where the Labor party is at in terms of its situation

on the road to democratic socialism. The Swedish socialists have defined three stages which we might well adopt: that of establishing political democracy, that of establishing social democracy, that of estab-

lishing economic democracy. They now consider them-selves moving into the third stage. By no stretch of the imagination could one describe Australia as being poised to move into that third stage. The conditions

of political and social democracy, particularly if one lives in a state like Western Australia, are quite

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clearly not achieved and are well short of achievement

at the moment, and so it is not surprising that on occasions we might find that those rather than the aspects of economic democracy receive emphasis in • the immediate programme of action.

MR WRAN: One minute to go, delegate Beazley.

MR BEAZLEY: I won't need it. In receiving emphasis in the immediate programme of action, it is perfectly proper that they should, and that is not inconsistent with an ultimate socialist objective. It would not be inconsistent for us to emerge from next year with a programme which is essentially for political and social democracy and only in the long term for so-cialism, because of the particular conditions which exist in Australia at the moment.

Now, we interpret this as an ultimate objective and not a programme of action. We believe it needs elaboration and we have elaborated it to a far greater degree than any other resolution before this conference. For that reason, we intend to pursue our amendment exclusively because we think it is important and we think it is also important that the conference un-derstands exactly what it is doing here and not be misled by the perorations which foreshadow debates

next year.

MR HAYDEN: Mr President and comrades, a little earlier this afternoon in his comments to this conference comrade Howe made the very proper observation that the debate was taking place at a fairly low level, and I say

"very proper" because it puts its finger on the nature of this discussion, it is not a discussion between people, or a debate more appropriately, who are democratic socialists on the one hand and another group of people who are opposed to democratic. socialism.

It is a discussion in effect between democratic socialists as to the most effective way to formulate a word structure which conveys the philosophy, the objectives, the general steps by which the Labor party as a democratic socialist party in government would wish to establish those values and that atmosphere appropriate for a democratic socialist party.

(Continued on page 81)

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In the back of our mind is the recognition that in doing

these things we have always accepted it is an evolutionary process and it is a process, again very properly pointed out by Senator Button, which has enormous restraints upon it, and one of the greatest obligations we have is

to persuade people to support those processes of our objective to which we commit ourselves, and so in that sense I think we ought to be clear about what this debate involves. It does not involve conflict between us, and

as to whether we nationise a cement works or a brick works, as to whether they are the commanding heights of capitalism and will bring the system undone by doing it, but rather what the general thrust of the Labor Party is about philosophically, and I would suggest with the greatest respect that some of the more particular cases which have been raised by some of our comrades today, who

seem to be seeking a more rigid formulation of the wording of our philosophy and objective, can be quite adequately covered by the proposal put forward by the federal executive, and which incidentally I support.

I accordingly oppose the alternatives which have been put forward. Now, we are on this occasion,as too often happens with the Labor Party, in danger of confusing the politics of the warm inner glow with the inspiration of the lilt on the

hill, and if we do that we will get badly scorched by the electorate, and not just once but repeatedly. That is why there has been from time to time a re-assessment of the socialist objective of the party, and bear this in mind: When we talk about a practical formulation of what we are about, we are talking more than about the physical steps and objectives that we commit ourselves to, because to be able to apply those in practice means

essentially that we have to persuade public support so that we can become a government to do those things, and therefore we must formulate a structure of words which relates to their needs and will not terrify them.

When we do formulate a structure of words we also have to bear in mind on our historical record that they tend to stick with us fora long time. In 1921 there was a substantial amendment to the democratic socialist

objectives of the party and they stuck with us for 30 years until 1951, and here we are 30 years later conducting a substantial debate on this topic, so whatever we formulate, we can expect that it will

substantially remain unchanged for a long time after that. Accordingly, whatever the formulation is, we want to ensure that it is not a formulation that has us flailing

about, disabled and on the defensive because of our own shortcomings. You know as well as I do that that has been a problem in earlier years.

I want to go through the major proposals that are before us because I think it important therefore to understand what defects exist in these and what minefields are being laid for us,through the grace of innocence I am

sure, but the fact is, are being laid for us if we were to accept them.

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MR WRAN:

One minute to go.

MR I move an extension.

MR WRAN: Moved and seconded. All those in favour say ay. Time extended. MR HAYDEN: I find the ACT submission a succinct and elegant formulation of the goals of democratic socialism, the path fo democratic socialism, and so on, but it is

defective because it does not define in some sort of workable sense what democratic socialism is, and in that respect will lead, I believe, to endless conflict in the party.

I now want to move on to the South Australian branch proposal, which I understand from the pundits about the place, is highly favoured by many delegates here. I would reckon that if that were carried it would be

disasterous for us because we must look at exactly the literal interpretation, the literal meaning of the words which are set forth there, and under objectives it says this -

"The party has the objective of the democratic socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields"

What does it say? It says,of course we want to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields. But it is mandatory upon us if we want to do that according to the proposition of South Australia -and we will all be bound by it if it is carried by this conference - it is mandatory upon us therefore to carry out the.socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange, and the socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange means social ownership. It means collective ownership. It means public ownership.

In that sense we then have to accept the riposte not just of our opponents, but by people outside in the community filled with fear, who may very well otherwise have voted for us, for our commendable range of reform policies in various areas, people outside who fear that the corner ice-cream parlour is on the slate to be taken over, if not nationised through some other sort of process by the government of the day. Now, it is sheer nonsense, but that is the sort of spectre that Mr Fraser will release to haunt, us in the electorate. We will be

constantly on the defensive because we are given no option. According to the strict, literal, formulation of these words, if we want to get rid of exploitation, other anti-social features in various fields, and we do, then we have to proceed to establish all industry, all production, all distribution and all exchange in the public sector.

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Now, I put to one side the massive legal complications

of trying to do that, and the very real fiscal ones, the enormous cash that would be required to bring that about, just the sheer practicalities of it. You do not want to do that and therefore you ought not to endorse a form of words that says something we are not committed to. And

if we do, you can bet your bottom dollar that John Bannon's prospects in South Australia will be very barren at the next election. You can reckon that Frank Wilkes will be battened to the politicians' wailing wall after the next

election, bemoaning the fact that this unreasonable interpretation by our opponents, accepted with fear by the community, disadvantages him.

And it is not exactly a politically festive season in Tasmania for the Lowe government. This would not be the last straw to break the back of that government. It would be a solid chunk of blood which would disadvantage

them. Now, let us be clear about it and let us not look at item four and five, which refer to the maintenance of a competitive, non-monopolistic private sector, or the right to own private property. They will be seen,. and very properly, as meaningless camouflage over-ridden by the principal proposition that there is mandatorily a

requirement upon us to socialise production, distribution and exchange in all respects.

Now, there are several other proposals for Victoria, Tasmania, the Metal Workers Union and the National Women's Organisation. They all effectively re-visit the 1921 formulation of the democratic socialist policy of the Labor Party in that era and for three decades. That was changed because of the enormous disadvantages it imposed

upon us. It requires, succinctly, the socialisation of a means of production, distribution and exchange, full stop. Again, we will be on the defensive and the debate therefore centres on those four words, to the extent that

is necessary, which is written into the proposal of the national executive.

I come finally to the proposal of the Western Australian branch. It says in "Origins" - "The way to remove the excesses and injustices in equalities of capitalism, labour found, was through the democratic

socialisation of industry, production, distribution and exchange." But that is the origins. The objectors, however, are much tougher. They are inflexible. They are quite rigid. They say the fundamental objective of the party is the democratic socialisation of industry, production, distribution and. exchange. They say the so-called

ownership and control of the means of production, distribution and exchange is necessary. As if saying once was not enough, they have ensured that we do not miss the point that they are making.

Now, I remind you that if we want to win government we have to persuade public support. We will not persuade public support if we have policies which in their literal interpretation, which is a perfectly reasonable T25/3/HC 84 MR HAYDEN 27/7/81

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interpretation for any member of the community to take

up, make it clear explicitly - not implicitly, explicitly - that we have to socialise all means of industry, production, distribution and exchange.

(Continued on page 86)

T25/4/HC 85 MR HAYDEN 27/7/81 ALP

Everyone will be filled with fear and foreboding at

such a proposition. We will be back to where we were some thirty years ago, constantly on the defensive, unable to outline creative, policies, unable to nail the government of the day for its very serious de-

ficiencies, neglect and injustices.

Now, I repeat, if we want to have a debate, as some .comradeshave implied in the course of their contribution, about more precise programmes of action that is more appropriate, as comrade Beazley pointed out, for the 1982 conference when we deal with policy

items. This is a much more important conference in all respects and if we make the wrong decision we will find ourselves disadvantaged for a considerable time ahead and writing off the opportunity of winning

government in several states and nationally, when the clear evidence is our prospects are very good indeed.

MR WRAN: Delegate Murphy, Queensland.

MR MURPHY: Comrade Chairman, we are basically looking here at a proposal which comes through in some of the branch recommendations to go back to look at the 1921 ob-jective. I think it is worthwhile recalling that the

1921 objective was put forward in a particular atmos-phere in a particular environment. It was put forward in an atmosphere where people believed that nationali-sation was still one of the panaceas which we could

use. It was put forward in an environment where people thought that with the Bolshevik revolution in the Soviet Union, a workers' state was being created there, and so we committed ourselves initially until you have the Blackburn interpretation of that to

the form of words which is in basically the South Australian proposal.

Now, I think it is important at a national conference that we state clearly the Labor party's socialist objective and that indeed is what we are trying to do here today. There is no question that the socialist objective that the Labor party has had over the last 60 years in its fuller form has been of any great disadvantage to us at an election time, but

the point is that when you come to an election it is really what you stand for nd what you are going to do specifically that people are going to be concerned with. They are going to be concerned with what you are going to do in terms of taxation and wages and health; they are not going to be concerned so much with the political theory, but at the same time the

Labor party needs to say just what it means to do and we cannot have a situation where we say "This is what we propose to do in our policy but we really don't mean that we're going to do that", and that seems to

be the essence of the South Australian position. There seems to be the inability to distinguish between public enterprise and nationalisation.

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Clearly the Labor Party now and in the 21 points

which the national executive has put forward makes a very definite commitment to the use of public enter-prises, and we have used those in the past; we have used them by various Labor governments and those Labor governments have indicated that it is public enter-prise which we see as being able to compete with private enterprise which is the area of democratic

socialism or one of the areas of democratic socialism.

Now, if you look around at the delegates here today or if you take the Labor party-itself, it covers a very broad spectrum of ideas and we in fact recog-nise that now in four of the. states where we use a system of PR voting. We do not say that there has to be a hard-line commitment to one particular line; what we say is that the Labor party has a number of views within it, we should contain those views within it and we should represent those views within it in our policies, and if you look at the national executive proposal really what it does is that it provides for that sort of a broad commitment, and whether you belong to the left of

the party or the centre of the party or the right of the party or wherever you see yourself, you can certainly see yourself having a commitment to that

particular proposal.

What we do not want in the next two years is to be arguing about what the objective really means. In the next two years we want to be arguing about what we propose to do in specific policy areas. We do not want to go out of the conference on Wednesday saying

"Well look, this is what we've passed but this is what we really mean to do."

The existing objective provides for the democratic socialisation in those areas where we think that it is necessary. We do not provide for any blanket coverage.

MR WRAN: One minute. to go, delegate.

MR MURPHY: Nor should we try to provide for any such blanket coverage when we do not propose to do that, so I think it is incumbent on us to look at those words in the national executive proposal, to look at the other 21 proposals and if necessary strengthen those if they need to be strengthened, but to accept that as the way forward for the Labor party not with some ob-

jective that we are going to have to spend most of our time explaining.

MR WRAN: Delegate Evans., Victoria.

MR EVANS: Thank you, Mr Chairman. Mr Chairman and comrades, the debate for better or worse seems to have centred now on the South Australian proposition, although it is clear that there is a good deal of other matters that we could perhaps be more productively debating. The main reason we seem to be having this debate on

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the South Australian proposal is really quite

extraordinary. It seems really to boil down to the proposition that we simply cannot allow our-selves as a party the luxury of being seen to go

away from a national conference having agreed about something significant, for the truth of the matter is that it is really a non-issue, it ought to be a non-issue although it has become something else, that we are debating and I say that because it ought to be clear when you read the national executive proposal as a whole that with or without the words "to the extent necessary" the national executive resolution has already made it clear that by the expression

"socialisation" we do not just mean crude nationa-lisation of everything that moves. We have made that clear by putting the expression "socialisation" in a very different context from that which it previously appeared in, by putting it in the context of those 21 points which deal with a whole range of different matters, and in particular of course the executive has made that clear by putting the word "socialisation"

in the very specific context of paragraphs 3 and 4, not to mention paragraph 5, so it really is absurd when looked at in that context that we ought to be having the debate that we are because it ought to be

acknowledged all around this conference room that nobody seriously believes the word "socialisation" to amount in its own terms to something as far-reaching as is being suggested.

But of course, as Bill Hayden very effectively pointed out, rationality tends to take something of a second place in both these debates and the way in which they are reported and it is undoubtedly the case that

if we do remove these four words which are the subject of this debate today there is no doubt in anyone's mind as to the way in which this will be reported, the way it will be construed, the way it will hang

:Like a millstone around our necks for a. long time to come, and I do not think there can be any doubt, even in the minds of the proponents of this particular proposition to remove these words. Can there be any doubt, after the debate at least, that that is the way

it is going to be construed, because that has been the way it is construed by almost every speaker on either side, and it seems to me to involve a curious kind of masochism under those circumstances, given that there

does not seem to be any serious opposition to points 3 and 4 and so on, to persist with the amendment in these terms. -Might I just put it to those comrades who are

insisting on pursuing this and who are minded to vote for the proposal to take these words out - could I put to them a question, can they ask themselves do they :really want to go on with it; are they really com-mitted, deeply, emotionally, intellectually, to what

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seems to be involved in taking those words out. Is

someone like Brian Howe committed to that sort of proposition when he can write as he did in a paper prepared the other day "I believe that socialisation should remain as a central tenet of the objective,

but I would also want to argue that Labor's intentions are limited but strategic. As Beavan wrote, it is neither prudent nor does it accord with our conception of the future that all forms of private property should

live under perpetual threat."

Now, if that is Brian Howe's view which he has put on paper, and he has done so recently, why is he getting up today spouting the kind of nonsense which he knows to be tendentious and emotional and to bear no rela-

tionship to what he actually believes about the extent to which we ought to have full-scale,full-blooded, catch-all, no exception, no exemption nationalisation? He does not believe that and nor does any other dele-gate around this conference hall. They know that, but they are insisting nonetheless on having an

argument because they could not go away from an ALP conference on a matter of high principle such as this without having an argument.

If that is accepted - and I think it ought to be accepted by comrades and delegates around this hall -can't we let a little bit of common sense intrude, let the objective when viewed as a whole speak for

itself, not pursue the kind of nonsense which is being pursued, get back to the politics of the real world which we have to inhabit and have to win government in if we are going to do anything for the people and

the class that we represent - can't we do all that and get away from the politics? - as Bill Hayden called it, the politics of the warm inner glow. I would

prefer to call it the politics of the armchair, the politics of the bar-room and the politics of self-indulgence.

(Continued on page 90 )

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MR WRAN:

Any further speakers? Delegate Marc Robinson, ACT.

MR ROBINSON: Mr President, I find myself in an invidious position in this debate and for that reason I would like to put my views on a number of the questions that have come before us on record.

I would firstly like to say that I think many of the points that have been brought up by delegate Keating and others about the problems which would ensue from a socialist strategy are, in fact, quite misconceived. We can

take a look at those issues. Firstly, the question of financing a public enterprise programme. I think that if we simply look to the practice of even the Atlee government, the practice which the Chifley government proposed in relation to the bank nationalisation and

that was one of the issuing of Commonwealth Bonds, and those bonds of course can be bonds of staggered maturity, one finds a situation where even a fairly large nationalisation programme does not demand instant

financing but can rather be funded gradually with the redemption of bonds.

Similarly, the constitutional objections to a programme which involves amongst other things nationalis-ation are exaggerated not only because there has been, as I think Michael Sexton has pointed out, an exaggeration

of the obstacles that were set to banking nationalisation in the 1947 High Court case and in the privy council decision after that supporting that, but also because really the question of the constitution is quite peripheral. We obviously cannot have any such programme without in fact having massive popular support. We

clearly do not have that support at present. When we do have that support, the constitutional objections will be secondary.

Let me say that really this whole question of getting popular support for this sort of programme is vital in my mind because whatever might be said about the current situation, whatever might be rightly said about what the Australian people might or might not accept from the ALP at present, I have no doubt that

goals such as full employment, greater control over the dire.tion of economic growth in this country and even controls like dealing with the plight of manufacturing industry cannot be dealt with without in fact a major

extension of public enterprise.

Now, if I can just take manufacturing. If we look at the situation where we have got a manufacturing industry fraught with obsolescence and fragmentation and, on the other hand, a situation where the multi-national corporations want to see an answer to that of

global integration of production, it seems to me that while however much we might press other solutions onto T27/l/CC 90 MR ROBINSON 27/7/81

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those multinationals for example to achieve greater

economies of scale, to amalgamate, to use common components and these sorts of things, that without a vital public enterprise we-will be nowhere.

Having said all that, I must say I grieve at the form that this debate has taken. I find to be faced with the essential choice between the 1921 objective. and a meaningless formulation which includes the words "to the extent necessary" is a choice which

certainly I, as a socialist, find really a very invidious one. The plain meaning of the 1921 words as I think has been repeatedly pointed out is in fact comprehensive nationalisation. There is no way around that very

simple fact. We do not mean that. Neither the left nor the right mean that point. There is no reason to say it for that reason. Not only that I think it is neither in the interests of socialists within and without the Labor Party, nor in the interests of the ALP itself that we should endorse those words and while I certainly accept Bill Hartley's points in

some respect, I think to refer to traditional hallowed words of 1921 and to argue that there is greater need for socialism today than ever in the past - and I would agree with that point - to deduce from that, we

simply need to endorse the strategies that seemed appropriate 60 years ago is inappropriate and puts nobody in this party to any sort of advantage.

Clearly, a different type of capitalism needs a different strategy and we should not be debating about the hollow words of the 1921 objective. I would of course urge delegates to support the ACT draft. That draft clearly, however, is unlikely to get up. Faced with that situation we clearly have to patch up

the national executive draft as much as we can. It will be distinctly second best, but I would like to place on record now that faced with that invidious choice

between the alternatives before this conference on the short objective I will not vote for the deletion of the words "where necessary". I think, as I say, that is neither in the interests of socialists in the

Labor Party nor in the interests of the Labor Party itself, and I think people should cease deluding themselves on that point. For that reason I would propose to support with very great reluctance after

the defeat of the ACT resolution, the mealy-mouthed, weak alternative put up by the national executive.

MR WRAN: Delegate Camilleri, Victoria.

MR CAMILLERI: Mr Chairman, I think in some of the contri-butions we have heard this afternoon there has been a remarkable lack of clear thinking.

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It seems to me that there have been accusations

of doctrinaire or rigid approach to the question of our socialist objective, but what we are really looking for is a logical form of action that will not • make us the laughing stocks of anyone who has even

done secondary schooling for this. If we are talking. about the society in which we live which is basically under the control of capitalists, we are therefore, as a socialist party, committed to socialisation provided

as some speakers have said we do not interpret it or define it in the narrow sense that socialisation means nationalisation of everything in sight.

There is no question that people who are at all educated in politics - and hopefully we are in the party, as a socialist party - we interpret it in that way. It is our job, of course, to make our objectives understood by the rest of the community. Undoubtedly

the efforts of the executive is a commendable effort to try to deal with the problem, but it seems to me there is some distance between saying it is a commendable attempt at providing a basis for discussion to saying

that it must be followed to the last letter. Obviously there is room for improvement and what this conference is doing is to see the concrete, imaginative, realistic ways in which it can be improved. No one, I think, is

suggesting the achievement of the ideal Communist utopia this year, next year or the next decade but if we are talking about inequalities, if we are talking about the maldistribution of power, they by definition

are exploitative. It is not a question of us saying that we must go part of the way towards removing it. A socialist party by definition is committed to the total elimination of exploitation and to the extent that wealth and power in society are not equally distributed,

therefore some exploitation results. Clear thinking requests that our commitment should be to the total elimination of exploitation to the full socialisation that is therefore necessary for that.

Many have objected to the proposed deletion of the words "to the extent necessary". What they have not told us is what they believe the extent that is in fact necessary. Is it just a little, hardly at all, a great

deal or nearly completely? We have not heard these people arguing for the inclusion of the words as to what their position is. Were they concerned that this should not be simply a masthead that is espoused in principle? We are

very concerned over the last 30 or 40 years that the Labor Party has not made the progress it should have made. We need a yardstick by which we judge our efforts year in, year out. We need a yardstick whereby next year

we would be able to assess various proposals for ownership of Australian resources for taxation policy for control over the industrial sector of the Australian economy.

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The question is what is the appropriate yardstick by

which we will be able to judge these proposals next year and two years after that and two years after that?

It seems to me that this is a very crucial time in the history of Australia, just as it is in a crucial time in the history of the capitalist world. We require a number of important decisions to be made. The decisions have to be made now. Capitalism is in crisis and the question is which direction are we going to move towards? Are we merely going to repeat the pathetic efforts that we have seen over the last 30 or 40 years or are we

going to respond regularly, courageously, to the crisis that we currently confront.

(Continued on page 94)

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It has been said that there are many views within

the Australian Labor Party. But, are there many views to the extent that they include a pale, diluted form of social democracy of the kind that Shirley Williams and Roy Jenkins propound in Britain?

If they are, they should not be in the Labor Party and the purpose of tightening the masthead is to prevent that kind of development from occurring - which is precisely what the British Labor Party has succeeded

in doing. We must ensure that we are equally successful in doing that.

MR WRAN: Time, delegate. Delegate Richards of New South Wales.

MR RICHARDSON: Mr- Chairman, I wish to support the recommendation of the national executive. I wish to express my gratitude to delegate Howe from Victoria for finally putting this debate on the track which we all believe

to be inevitable because it was during his contribution that the nationalisation argument finally reared its controversial head. I suppose it was about time. Paul Keating examined the economic implications of adopting that course. I would like to look at some of the political implications. To embark upon that

course, we would have to understand that just as has happened with Mitterand in France, you will not be able to get away with merely a statement of principle, merely arguing here about the wording of that

principle, because the people have a right to know what you really mean and the practical reality of that is, like Mitterand, you are going to have to list the companies that you seek to nationalise.

It would be a fascinating exercise for Bill Hayden and the parliamentary party to get together and work out just how long the list would be. Because of the French experience where Mitterand nominated eleven companies, we have to look at their history. In

France, there had been a long history of government involvement in industry - particularly in the industries which Mitterand listed. Even de Gaulle -hardly looked upon as a Marxist by most people in our party, I would think - had taken his country somewhere along the road to government control and ownership and, more importantly I suppose in France, there were no

real national impediments. Here, those constitutional impediments, I would suggest, are fatal and Bill Hayden would have to work out whether or not the list would be ten or twenty or fifty or two hundred or two thousand of the companies that we are looking at in the lists on our stock exchanges. I wonder just how he would go

about drawing up such a list. Would we need another conference to determine whether or not his list was acceptable to the broad spectrum of the party and all the while, while he was gathering with the economic

T28/l/TL ALP 94 MR RICHARDSON 27/ 7/81

heavyweights of

theFPLP and academia. I wonder whether or not the. constitutional constraints would make a mockery of that decision-making process and show it up for a complete waste of time. I suspect that it would.

When we are looking at the wording of this objective, we are looking at the flag under which we can all shelter. There are, obviously, disparate views among the 50 people assembled in this room and we need something broad enough to encompass them. I would not like to see us go along the track of the

British Labor Party as the last speaker suggested. I. would think that over the next couple of years we will witness just how electorally successful that might be. Rather we should be establishing an objective

as broad as possible for us to shelter under the banner comfortably. What must happen over the next few years in our march to win government, is that a coalition of forces wide across the community can be

developed. It will not be developed if you narrow this objective in the way some of 'these amendments would seek to do. The umbrella must be such that not only the broad spectrum of the party can shelter

under it but the great majority of the Australian people can vote for it and, as delegate Robinson conceded a little while ago, if the amendments from South Australia in particular, from Victoria, from

the AMWSU etcetera were put before the people, we all know which way they would go and the consequences for us in accepting those amendments here today, would be the complete rout of the party in the next election. We run the very grave risk if we do of relegating ourselves to an increasingly irrelevant opposition.

MR WRAN: One minute, delegate.

MR RICHARDSON: That, I would hope, is not the task of this conference. I, like delegate Robinson, can see weaknesses in the objective but it is not my purpose to try and turn the objective around so that it suits me or those that I may represent. Rather it must be

an objective under which we can all work and within which we will all be comfortable. The national executive proposal, whatever weaknesses it may have, certainly encompasses enough of the aspirations of

all of us in this room to be worthy of your support.

MR WRAN: Delegate McLean, Queensland. Delegates, after delegate McLean reports, I assume - having looked around the conference - that that will be the conclusion of the contributions. There will then be, I assume, a motion to resume standing orders

and the vote will commence. It can be assumed that the voting will commence somewhere between quarter past and 20 past four. We will break for 10 minutes after

delegate McLean speaks.

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MR McLEAN: Comrade Chair, comrades. I find it difficult to

determine the attitude of people to the dropping of those four little words which are, of course, the focus of the debate. On the one hand, delegate Keating tells us that it would be a massive change

to take those words out and on the other hand, delegate Evans tells us that there would be little change at all and it is not worth worrying about to take them out.

The fact is, of course, that there has been a focus in the media on those words and that provides us with an opportunity to use this conference to re-establish the identity of this party in the

political spectrum. I think the timing of the conference, early in this decade, gives us the opportunity of re-establishing an alternative programme to deal with the problems of the eighties. We are on the verge of the resources boom. We are

threatened by new technology and multinational companies are involved in both of those things. We are going through a period where the conservative leaders in this country are going overseas and telling those multinational companies that not only have we got the uranium and other minerals that they

require, that we have got unemployment around 10% which means that they can get the labour that they need cheaply and that they can get people to work in dangerous conditions and in substandard living

conditions.

Workers in this country, they tell them, are threatened by technology and passive. They tell them also that living standards are going down by an automatic wages system that reduces living

standards automatically and they tell them also that they are denying people - workers and people generally - the right to protest and protect themselves either through industrial action or through ... They tell

them also that if that is not enough, then they will use taxpayers' money, workers' money, collected through taxation, to provide them railway lines and cheap electricity and investment incentives and anything

else that they might think of.

Now, what policies do we have that are bold enough to change the direction of this country in the coming years to stop the robbery and exploitation of Australian workers. You want to go to Gladstone and have a look at the price, the Newman price, that is

being paid by workers in Gladstone so that the resources of this country, the wealth of this country, can be carried overseas. At the Queensland conference, we proposed the programme - and I know that this is a

prelude to the policy conference next year, but it

T28/3/TL 96 ALP MR RICHARDSON 27/ 7/81

should set the basis up for us to deal in a radical

way with the problems that we face and at the Queensland conference we implemented a policy that seeks to transfer all of that resources operation in Queensland to public ownership.

The whole thing of course, that reversal of the direction that we are going, will not be easy. We are hooked on foreign investment. We have got to keep getting it in to pay out the dividends and profits

that are going overseas and that is why I pick up what Tom Uren - the point that Tom makes - about us fighting on a number of fronts, about us fighting not only in the political area, in the parliamentary area, but also in the trade unions like the people at

Gladstone who are stopping any further development until companies and the-governments meet their responsibilities to put money up for infra-structure and about mass action - that is the other way that we

operate.

(Continued on page 98 )

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a

A lot more has been achieved by the Labor movement by mass action in recent years in some states than has been achieved by the actions of our parliamentary opposition. I believe that what we should be doing

today- - -

MR WRAN: One minute to go.

MR McLEAN: - - - is that we should be supporting all of those propositions which spread from the socialist ideals of this party. Thank you.

MR WRAN: Delegates, we shall adjourn for 10 minutes; then I assume the standing orders will be resumed. The mover of the motion will then reply and the various votes will be taken. Thank you.

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MR WRAN:

I would like delegates to the conference to resume their seats soon.

Delegates, I have a motion for the resumption of standing orders moved by delegate Young and seconded by delegate McMullan. Before I put the motion to resume standing orders, would delegates please resume their seats.

I have a motion moved by delegate Young, seconded by delegate McMullan, that standing orders be resumed. Any discussion? Delegates, I put that motion. Carried.

CARRIED

MR WRAN: I call the mover in reply, the national secretary.

MR BEAZLEY: Mr Chairman, Butler and Cook replace Giles and Gilbert for the Western Australian delegates. MR WRAN: Any other changes in credentialling?

MR CRAWFORD(Victoria): Mr Chairman, I move that delegates Crawford, Hartley and Hogan replace delegates-Howe, Camilleri and Theophanous.

MR WRAN: Noted. Any other changes in delegations? Patterson for Barnard for Tasmania - noted. Mover in reply.

MR COMBE: Mr Chairman, I think that during the suspension of standing orders, all the passion which was involved in this debate has been exercised and I do not therefore intend to add to it. I do, however, want to take the opportunity of indicating to delegates once again what

it is in precise terms that the national executive is seeking to do by its recommendation; secondly to in-dicate to you what we see as being relevant amendments to those things which we are seeking to do; and thirdly

to indicate to you, not on behalf of the national executive but however with the concurrence of Jon Isaacs, the seconder of the motion, there are a number of the amendments which have been submitted which we believe are better and more acceptable than what is contained in the national executive recommendation and therefore we will be indicating to you the order in which we expect the individual amendments to be con-

sidered and also those which we would be perfectly happy for you to accept in preference to what is proposed-in the national executive's recommendation.

First of all, the national executive seeks to establish a new section to the preamble of the platform headed "Origins". That section would take the place of the existing sections A and B of the present preamble -that is, the sections currently headed "A, Origins and

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Nature of the Party" and "B, General Philosophy of the

Party".

In terms of the business before the conference, the South Australian branch has indicated that it supports the proposal which the national executive has put forward. The only different proposition is

from the Western Australian branch. Although the West Australian branch has sought to expand upon the national executive recommendation, we ask you to stick with the national executive recommendation

as we believe it is preferable to that put forward by Western Australia.

The second thing which the national executive seeks to do is to establish a new section in the preamble headed "Objectives" which would take the place of the existing sections A and B of the section of the platform headed "Objective".

Now, in terms of the initial statement of the proposed new national executive objectives, there are a couple of amendments which have been submitted - a number of amendments which have been submitted - to the first clause. The amendments have come in from

the ACT and we are regarding sections A, B and C of the ACT proposal as all suggested amendments to the national executive proposed new objectives. There is an amendment proposed by the South Australian branch

to the first clause of the national executive's suggested objectives - that is, to delete the words about which most of the discussion has been this afternoon. There is a counter-proposal from Victoria, one from Tasmania, one from Western Australia, one

from National Labor Women - sections A and B of the AMWSU proposal and the BWIU proposal.

In addition, proposed amendments have been submitted to either the first clause or the second clause leading into the stated 21 points by Sen. Evans and by Sen. Coates. At this stage, I want to indicate that there is one amendment from South Australia which the mover and seconder have agreed should be accepted, and that is to reinsert the word "production" after

"socialisation of industry". That was an amendment, No.2(a), also submitted by Mr Garland from New South Wales. We request that you accept that amendment.

In respect of the proposed amendment from Sen. Coates - amendment No. 1 - we are not prepared to accept that amendment, any more than we are prepared to accept the amendments lodged by various state branches, trade unions, Labor women, etcetera.

The next amendment which we expect to come before the chair is that numbered 3 proposed by Sen. Evans -T30/2/PC 100 MR COMBE 27/7/81

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that is, to add the words to the lead-in statement to

the 21 points so that it would read "to achieve the political and social values of equality, democracy, liberty and social co-operation inherent in this objective the Australian Labor Party stands for". The

seconder and I have indicated we would be happy to have that amendment accepted by the conference.

The next amendment which will come up for vote is amendment No. 2 moved by Mr Garland, seconded by Mr Uren, which is to insert a new clause 2 or No. 2 after point 1, stating national economic planning and selec-tive social ownership of leading enterprises in the economy. The seconder and myself are not prepared to accept that amendment.

The next amendment is to proposed clause 2 - it is amendment No. 4 in the name of Mark Robinson from the ACT and Michael Smith from AYL. It is again an amendment that the seconder and myself are not pre-pared to accept.

Amendment No. 5 is the next one which will come up for vote. That is in the names of Mr Hogan and Mr Hartley, and it seeks to amend clause 3. This particular question was one which received consider-

able debate at the national executive before the national executive determined its final recommen-dations to the conference and the executive was strongly of the view after considerable discussion

that the wording which it included in clause 3 was infinitely preferable to that which was proposed at the time and to that which has now been submitted by delegates Hogan and Hartley. Accordingly, the mover and seconder of the motion urge you not to accept the amendment but to stick with the national executive's proposed clause 3.

The next amendment is amendment No. 6 from Mr Adams and Sen. Hearn of Tasmania which seeks to amend clause 4 by adding the words "including support for small business and farming".

(Continued on page 102;

T30/3/PC 101 MR COMBE 27/7/81

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That is an amendment which we find acceptable and therefore

we ask you when it comes up to vote that we support the amendment rather than the clause as proposed by the national executive. The next amendment that will come on logically --is amendment number 21, moved by Peter Cook, seconded by

Bob McMullan, and it seeks to incorporate a new number five, which talks about the recognition and encouragement of the right of labour to organise for the protection and advance-ment of its interest. We believe that that is an acceptable

amendment and we ask you to accept it as a new clause to be added to the list of items. We also take the opportunity of pointing out that it is the intention of having a drafting sub-committee go through what is determined today

to knock it into a consistent form for representation as a total whole to the conference, so we simply flag that there may be some re-arrangement in the order of the various points and there may be some minor re-drafting, but we

do draft that amendment as submitted, number 21 as being acceptable.

The next amendment is number seven to clause five, from Barbara Robson and Ian McLean' of Queensland. It seeks to delete the word "private." and insert the word "personal" so that the new clause five would read "the right to own personal property". We ask you to reject that out of hand and support the' national executive's recommendation.

Amendment number eight in the name of Mr Garland and Mr Gregory is to make an addition to proposed clause seven. That is a proposed addition which we find acceptable, but again we simply flag that it may be subject to some re-writing when the composite document is prepared in order to ensure

some consistency of style, but it is an amendment from Mr Garland which we ask you to accept.

If you go down to the bottom of your pile again to amendment number 25 which seeks to amend clause eight, there are a couple of proposals that seek to amend clause eight, amendment number 25 from Mr Cook and Mr Beazley of Western Australia, and amendment number 24, the one that was originally disowned by Peter Duncan and re-moved by Bill Hartley and George Crawford. It is our view upon looking

at the national executive's recommendation, and looking at amendments 25 and 24, that Peter Cook and Kim Beazley have done better than either the national executive or Mr Hartley and Mr Crawford, and therefore we ask you to reject

the effort of Mr Hartley and Mr Crawford and to prefer the effort of Mr Cook and Mr Beazley to that of the national executive, in other words, we urge you to vote for amendment number 25.-

The next amendment is number 10, moved by Mr Lavey and Mr Barnard of Tasmania,which seeks to amend clause nine. It is our view that this should be rejected as we see it as being tautologous. We think that clause nine as recommended by the national executive is preferable and

therefore should be supported. We therefore come to the situation where in respect of clause 10 there are three

T31/l/HC 102 MR HAYDEN 27/7/81

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proposals for amendment. One is from the South Australian

branch, which if adopted would seek to have proposed clause 10 read - South Australia has withdrawn that - fine. We do not have to worry about that one.

We then have amendment number 11 moved by Joy Ardill, and amendment number 26 moved by Janice Burnswoods. So at the moment what is before us is the national executive recommendation, security of the family, Joy Ardill's proposal, security for individuals, the family and all

social units, and the Janice Burnswoods' proposal of social justice and equality for individuals, the family and all social units, and the elimination of exploitation

in the home. The mover and seconder believe that once again one of those amendments is preferable to the national executive's effort, and that is the amendment in the names of Joy Ardill and Ian McLean, amendment number

11. We believe it to be preferable to the national executive recommendation because we believe it more accurately reflects the sort of family and other units that exist in society at the present time. We ask you therefore

to prefer it to the national executive proposal and we ask you to reject the proposal number 26 of Janice Burnswoods because we believe it says something different. We believe that in fact what it seeks to establish is covered by the proposed clause 13 of the national executive's

recommendation. We believe that number 11 improves upon our efforts and number 26 would be confusing.

The next amendment to come up is amendment number 14 from Mr Hogan and Mr Crawford of Victoria. We believe that that recommendation should be accepted, but we point out that in the re-drafting it would be proposed to have

those two factors, that is, the restoration and maintanance of full employment, and the abolition of poverty, as two separate clauses within the final document, so again that is a re0drafting matter.

Amendment number 15 from Barbara Robson and Ian McLean is one which we find acceptable. We agree that "political affiliation"should be inserted after "religion" to read as set out on the amendment sheet. The next

amendment number is number 22, from Senator Walsh and Mr Jamieson of Western Australia, which in respect of clause 13 seeks to delete the word "citizenship". It is our view that in fact the Australian Labor Party should be opposed

to discrimination on grounds of citizenship. We believe that there are ample examples in our society where because of people's non-citizenship are denied what should be their rights within Australian society and accordingly we ask you therefore to reject Senator Walsh's amendment

a:nd to accept the national executive's recommendation.

Kim Beazley and Tom Butler from Western Australia with amendment number 16 have put forward what they believe to be a better proposal than the national executive's in respect of clause 14. The mover and seconder do not accept

that. We believe that the national executive clause 14 is

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preferable. We believe that what is envisaged in the

Beazley and Butler amendment-in fact is limited in its ; application to traditional lands, that in essence it gives islanders a bit of a miss, that in fact it does not pay the sort of regard to the different land patterns that

exist in Queensland, that is paid by the national executive recommendation in respect of clause 14. We therefore ask you to reject amendment 16 and to adopt the national executive recommendation.

Amendment 17 in the names of Tom Uren and John Garland, we believe to be an instance where their wording is better than that of the national executive, and accordingly in respect of amendment of 17, which seeks to make an

amendment to proposed clause 17, we ask you to adopt, to carry the amendment and to prefer it to the national executive recommendation.

Amendment 19 from Mr Jamieson and Mr Smith is one which seeks to change the word "nation" in clause 18 with the word "republic". During the course of suspension of standing orders we accepted as an additional amendment which we will write into the minutes under standing order, an

amendment 26A on a yellow sheet, moved by Mick Young, seconded by Chris Schacht from South Australia, which would seek to amend clause 18 by saying - it would be a procedural motion - that the question of replacing "nation"

with "republic" be a subject for debate within the party and that the 'legal and constitutional committee be asked to bring a report and recommendation on the proposal. to the 1982 national conference.

(Continued on page 104)

T31/3/HC 104 MR HAYDEN 27/7/81

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In other words, we do not believe it is something

that ought to be adopted in terms of the objectives debate but rather that it is something which ought to receive attention from the party over the course of the next year. Therefore, in respect of clause 18 we ask you to stick with the national executive's recom-mendation, reject the amendment in the names of Jamieson and Smith, amendment No. 19, then subsequently

to adopt a procedural motion in terms of amendment No. 26(a) in the name of Mick Young.

Amendment No. 20 relates to the deletion of the section headed "Principles of Action" which is the final part of the national executive's proposal. We do not believe that what has been submitted by Mr Uren and Mr Garland is acceptable; we believe that

the deletion of the section "Principles of Action" in the platform as at the present time is something which conference ought to proceed to adopt. We believe that the proposed new Principles of Action put forward

by Mr Uren and Mr Garland is insufficiently comprehen-sive; it is exclusive of a lot of groups that could be involved in such activity as is envisaged, and we think that the national executive is correct in re-commending that that section of section C of the existing objective headed "Principles of Action"

should be deleted.

We also have in respect of that an amendment from the AMWSU and again we ask you to reject the AMWSU amendment and to accept the national executive re-gommendation to delete the section.

The final amendment we address ourselves to is amendment No. 23 from Sen. Walsh and Mr Jamieson in respect of the last section of the national executive's recommendation - that is, the section headed "Membership" which simply amalgamates existing sections C and D of

the preamble. We have there an amendment from Western Australia which we ask you to reject. We have an amendment from Sen. Walsh and Mr Jamieson which seeks in the national executive proposal to delete the words "programme and methods" from line 3 and to

replace them with the word "objectives". We believe that that is preferable to the wording of the national executive and therefore we ask you to carry the amend-ment as moved by Sen. Walsh and Mr Jamieson in prefer-

ence to the national executive proposal or as an amendment to the national executive proposal and to reject the proposal from the West Australian branch.

MR ROBINSON: There, are just two points of clarification I would seek. The first is on amendment No. 16. It was my understanding, and I might be wrong, that the words "and Islanders" were added by agreement with Mr Duncan and the other mover of that amendment in

the discussion.

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The second is in relation to amendment No. 20

moved by Tom Uren and seconded by Jack Garland. Here it was my understanding that the intention of this was to insert a new section C, not in the place of the proposed section C but rather in addition, so

that the national executive's section C became section D.

MR COMBE: I.will clarify those matters. It is true that the mover and seconder of amendment 16 agreed to insert the words "and Islanders" but it was the feeling of the mover and seconder that in fact that still does

not take up the point further down where it deals almost exclusively with Aboriginal culture etcetera and in particular it does not pay sufficient regard to the peculiar problems in relation to land in various parts of Queensland, and for that reason

the national executive proposal is preferable.

• In respect of amendment No. 20, I am sorry if I gave the impression that what the principles of action as proposed by Tom Uren and John Garland sought to do was to go in in place of the proposed national execu-

tive section C on membership. That is not the case. What in fact we have before us is a proposal from the national executive that section C of the existing objective in the platform which is headed "Principles

of Action" be deleted, and the two alternatives are a proposal from the AMWSU to amend the existing section C of the objective as in the current platform and an amendment from Mr Uren to again rewrite the section, Principles of Action; and what the seconder and I

are saying is that we believe the national executive position is correct, that the recommendation from Mr Uren and Mr Garland is not comprehensive enough, and that the conference would be better to delete that

section C of the objective headed "Principles of Action" and not replace it with anything.

MR WRAN: Delegate Uren?

MR UREN: Do I take it there will be a vote on the discharge of the old principles of action and then a vote on the activities after that? That is a matter for clari-fication.

MR COMBE: I would think the amendments would come before the recommendation of the national executive.

MR UREN: No. As I take it, the executive would discharge the old principles of action because I am only moving my principles of action because of the discharge being created. Now, which is to come first? That is the proposition, because delegates around the hall have

intimated to me that having the principles of action

T32/2/PC 106 MR ROBINSON 27/7/81

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being discharged, they would then look afresh at my

motion, but they in fact are going to support - their position is that they are going to support the principle of action as is - but if that gets discharged then they would look afresh at the motion put forward by me.

MR WRAN: With respect, delegate, I do not think the question really arises. The way in which the national execu-tive's motion is framed means that the proposed new principles of action, as indeed with the other sections of the motion, are in substitution for the existing

principles; so the adoption of one necessarily means the vacation of the other.

MR UREN: The difficulty about this debate, Mr Chairman, is this: that what we are doing - we are actually amending the federal executive's recommendations. Therefore, I believe it is an unfair debate in that the federal executive decided that there are not going

to be any principles of action.

Now, if they discharge them then members may look afresh at certain aspects of the proposal and arguments which I have put forward. That is the difficulty about this whole debate. I said right from the word go in

some respects I believe it is hotch-potch, the way we proceeded with it.

MR WRAN: As I said, delegate, the federal executive's resolution is explicitly and inherently in replacement of the existing provision in the platform and I know of no other way frankly, Tom, in which I can put it

to conference.

Incidentally, delegates, under the standing orders of this conference the vote necessary to pass a motion or amendment affecting the pledge, platform or consti-tution of the party must be by a majority of delegates credentialled to the conference, which means since

there are 50 delegates credentialled a vote of 26 is necessary.

I think we will now embark upon the task.

Mr Chairman, I take it then that on each of these you will require a show of hands because you can't go on the voice.

MR WRAN: Yes - with the exception of amendment No. 26(a) which is procedural rather than substantive, but we will deal with that when we come to it, and since we. will need .a show of hands on each one - well, no, I

can't nominate in advance.

T32/3/PC 107 MR UREN 27/7/81

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MR DUNCAN:

Mr Chairman, before we proceed, the executive raised this point in relation to amendment No. 15. I have just noticed that amendment No. 15 purports to insert the words "political affiliation" but in fact in the fully

set out clause the word "sexuality" has been included which is not in the origiial draft from the national executive. It is in the 'amendment and "race" is also there which is not in the national executive's recom-mendations. Could we have some indication? I think

probably everybody agrees that those words ought to be in. Can we have some indication of whether the national secretary is accepting them?

(Continued on page 109)

T3 /4/PC 108 MR DUNCAN 27/7/81

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MR WRAN: I can indicate that

is accepting them. individual amendmen compartments of the origins followed by

those two first.

he did and the answer is, yes, he Delegates, before I come to the ts, I will deal with the various clause -- that is, first of all,

objectives. We can deal with

With origins, the national executive proposal which is in place of existing clauses A and B of

the preamble, is the same as the South Australian proposal. The real amendment which needs to be put to the conference is the Western Australian amendment although delegate McMullan seems to disagree.

MR McMULLAN: We were not proceeding with that amendment.

MR WRAN: In that case - - -MR McMULLAN: Because the differences are minimal, Mr Chairman.

MR WRAN: That means there is only one proposal to go to the conference in relation to origins. That is the national executive proposal and I would ask delegate Manfred Cross to tally for the ayes and delegate Garland to tally for the noes and for future counts,

all those in favour, raise their right hand.

CARRIED

The next matter is objectives. Delegates, the national executive recommendation is in place of the existing objective paragraphs A andB and I propose to put the amendments in this order. The Australian Capital Territory proposals A and B

South Australia, Victoria, Tasmania, West Australia, National Labor Women, AMWSU, that is paragraphs a and b and the BWRU. Then there are two - yes, that is the first paragraph. Delegates, we are voting on

the first clause on objectives of the national executive proposal, which reads:

The Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party and has the objective of the democratic socialisation of industry distribution, production and exchange to the

extent necessary to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields.

VICTORIAN DELEGATE: Are we voting for the whole of subsection B, not the first paragraph? I mean, each one was being done in, toto rather than paragraph by paragraph. That was the advice you gave to me earlier.

T33/1/TL

109 ALP MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

MR WRAN: I think that is almost impossible to do.

VICTORIA•. DELEGATE: I am just seeking clarification because it was the opposite to what you said to me before.

MR WRAN: That is why I read it out - the conference. It is also the danger of saying things to people before. And the amendment from the ?\CT applies to the whole of the paragraphs A, B and C. I put the ACT amendment. All

those in favour, raise their right hand. The whole lot. Paragraphs A, B, C, from the ACT.

MR ROBINSON:. If that is the case, it would seem most appropriate to put the short objective of the ACT.

MR WRAN: You see, if I can explain the reason for my ruling. It is impossible to do it that way because of the ACT proposal does not stand against the national executive proposal in terms of either amendments or the South Australian proposal in the same way and the only way

I can see to deal with the ACT branch proposal is to treat the whole thing as the objective. Delegates, we are now taking the ACT amendment. All those in favour raise their right hand.

LOST

MR WRAN: Delegates, we now come to the South Australian amendment in relation to the objective and that which I am putting is that clause B which reads:

The Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party and has the objective of the democratic socialisation of industry production, distribution and exchange to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social

features in these fields.

Is that clear, delegates? That being so, I would ask all those delegates in favour to raise their right hands. All those against.

LOST

MR WRAN: I now move on, delegates, to the Tasmanian branch amendment which is the same as that submitted by the AMWSU except for the addition of the following paragraph 15:

Recognition that people are fundamentally more important than money, profit, systems, machines etcetera and that this priniciple

be paramount in the pursuit of our objective.

Is that clear to the delegates what we are voting on?

T33/2/TL ALP 110 MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

All those in favour of the Tasmanian amendment, raise

their right hand. All those against.

LOST

(Continued on page 112)

T33/3/TL A ,p ill MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

MR WRAN:

Then, delegates, we come to the Victorian branch amendment in relation to the objective which is before you. I take it all delegates are clear on what they are voting. Would all those in favour of the Victorian amendment raise their right hand. All those against? Declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: That brings the conference branch amendment in relation to take it all delegates are clear which they are voting. In that delegates in favour of the West

to raise their right hand. Tho lost.

to the West Australian the objectives. I as to the matter upon case, I ask those Australian amendment se against? Declare it

LOST

MR WRAN: Now, the amendment in relation to the objective presented at the conference by the National Labor Women's Organisation. Would those delegates in favour of the amendment please raise their right hand. Declare

it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: The next amendment is the amendment to the objective from the AMWSU, paragraphs (a) and (b). Would all those delegates in favour please raise their right hand. Those against? I declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: Then, delegates, there is the amendment presented to the conference to the objective through the BWIU. I take it delegates are aware of what we are voting upon. That being so, I put the amendment. All those delegates in favour? Declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: Delegates, .1 shall put the federal executive recommendation on the objective. I think the simplest way, even though Garland amendment was accepted, that is amendment 2A, the simplest way is to put the amendment to the national executive's proposal which is that in the objective after the words

"socialisation of industry" insertthe word "production". All those in favour of that amendment please raise their right hand. Declare it carried. CARRIED

MR WRAN: Next, the Coates amendment No. 1. That amendment reads

Objective: The Australian Labor Party is a democratic socialist party. It believes in the social ownership and control of production, etcetera. T34/1/CC 112 MR WRAN 27/7/81

ALP

Is everybody clear on what we are voting? That

being so, I would ask all those in favour of the amendment to raise their right hand. All those against? I declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: Now delegates, I put the national executive proposal as moved in relation to objectives which reads

The Australian Labor Party is a democractic socialist party and has the objective of the democratic socialisation of industry, production and exchange to the extent necessary to eliminate exploitation and other anti-social features in these fields.

Delegate Bannon?

MR BANNON: A point of order, Mr Chairman, are we to under-stand that any that Mr Combe indicated were acceptable to the mover and seconder are automatically to be incorporated?

MR WRAN: No. What I propose to do, when we come to the particular paragraphs, is to put each amendment indicating as I put the amendment whether the mover and seconder accepted or rejected the amendment.

(Continued on page 114)

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ALP

Very well. On the objective, I take it all delegates

are clear upon which we are voting. Unanimous - I declare it carried.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN: The next step, delegates, is amendment No. 3 moved by delegate Evans. The amendment reads:

To achieve the political and social values of equality, democracy, liberty and social co-operation inherent in this objective the Australian Labor Party stands for.

That clause comes before the numbered clauses.

Delegates, is it clear upon which we are voting? (Agreed) That being so, I ask those delegates in favour of the amendment which the mover and seconder of the motion agreed to accept to raise their right hand.

MR BEAZLEY: I have a question and it relates to the precedence in which these amendments are put. Mr Evans' submis-sion is being interpreted as a preceding sentence to the subsequent subclauses. There is a preceding sen-tence in the West Australian resolution which should have been put before that, and that is it appears if you go to the West Australian paper, it starts:

To this end, the Australian Labor Party will work for -and proceeds. That is meant as a preceding sentence to those clauses in precisely the same way that Mr Evans's is.

MR WRAN: Delegate Beazley, the conference has already rejected the Western Australian amendment in its entirety. I put the Evans amendment. All those in favour raise their right hand; all those against please raise your right hand. I declare the amendment carried, 28:20.

CARRIED - 28 TO 20

MR WRAN: . Delegates, we will now go through the clauses following the objective numbered 1 to 21 seriatim. The clause numbered 1 - there is no amendment. All those in favour, please raise their right hand. 50 votes for -which means it is carried unanimously.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN: Delegates, before clause 2 there is an amendment by delegate Garland, seconded delegate Uren, which is amendment numbered 2 and reads:

T35/1/PC 114 AMENDMENTS 27/7/81

ALP

After part 1, insert new 2 to read

"national economic planning and selective social ownership of leading enterprises in the economy". Renumber f subsequent clauses.

This amendment, you will recollect, was rejected by the mover of the motion. I now take it we under-stand upon which we are. voting. I now put the Garland amendment numbered 2. All those in favour please

raise their right hand; those against. I declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: Now delegates, I come to clause 2 in respect of which there is an amendment moved by Marc Robinson - it is amendment numbered 4 in respect of which the mover and the seconder of the motion have indicated their rejec-tion. Are you clear what we are voting upon? All

those in favour of the amendment, please raise their right hand; against. I declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: Delegates, I will now put paragraph 2. All those in favour, raise their right hand. Unanimous.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN: Delegates, clause 3 - there is an amendment moved by delegate Hogan. It is amendment No. 5. It is delet-ing the word "strategic" and replacing it with "increasing". I think all delegates are aware of the amendment. I ask those delegates in favour of the amendment to raise their right hand - it is

18. That being so, there is no need to count the negatives. I declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: I put the national executive clause 3.

(Continued on page 116 )

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ALP

All those in favour rsie their right hand. Unanimous -

I declare it carried. There is an amendment to clause four which is amendment number six, moved by delegate Adams of Tasmania. It is inserting before the word "operating" the words "including support for small business

and farming". Delegates, the mover and seconder of the motion have indicated their acceptance of the amendment and I would ask all those in favour to please raise their right hand. Against? I declare it lost. I beg your pardon, I declare it carried. CARRIED

MR WRAN: Now I put the national executive clause four as amended. All those in favour raise their right hand. Unanimous, carried.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN:

This is a new five, delegates. It is amendment number 21 moved by delegate Cook, and the amendment reads "recognition and encouragement of the right of labour to organise for the protection and advancement of its

interest." The mover of the motion has indicated acceptance and I would ask all those in favour to raise their right hand. That is unanimous, delegates. Carried.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN:

Then delegates, there is clause five as it stands in the national executive proposal. There is an amendment, number seven, moved by Barbara Robson of Queensland. The amendment reads, delete "private" and insert "personal". Now, I will put the amendment. All those in favour, raise their right hand. Yes, I

declare it lost.

LOST

MR WRAN:.

The national executive's clause five. All those in favour, raise their right hand. Are you counting them? Against? Declared carried.

CARRIED

MR WRAN: I put the national executive's clause six, in respect of which there has been no amendment. Proposed. All those in favour raise their right hand. Fifty:nil. Unanimous, carried.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN: Clause seven, amendment number eight from delegate John Garland. It is an addition to clause seven, which reads "the promotion of socially appropriate technology to enhance the capacity of human skills and to reduce degradation of human labour." The mover has indicated acceptance of that addition. All those in favour, raise

their right hand. Fifty:nil. Unanimous, carried.

T36/1/HC ll6 CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

ALP AMENDMENTS 27/7/81

MOTIONS

MR WRAN:

Now, I will put clause seven as amended. All those in favour, raise their right hand. Unanimous, carried.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN: Clause eight, which is amendment 25 moved by delegate Cook of Western Australia, which reads, insert after the words "and to participate in" the words "and to increase their control over", and the mover has indicated

acceptance. All those in favour, please raise their right hand. Unanimous, carried. Not quite unanimous, carried.

CARRIED

MR WRAN: Now, I put eight as amended. All those in favour, raise their right hand. 'Carried.

CARRIED

MR I think I would be pushing against the stream. I do not want to create difficulties for the conference, 25 having been adopted. It is all right.

MR WRAN: It has been moved and seconded that the time of this session be extended to enable voting on these issues to conclude. All those in favour? Against? Carried.

MR WRAN: Clause nine of the national executive proposal, amendment number 10, moved by delegate Lavey, seconded delegate Barnard. It is an addition to the proposal. I think all delegates have the amendment. Those in favour of the proposal, raise their right hand. Yes, I declare it

lost.

LOST

MR WRAN: I now put a further - - - I now put the national executive proposal in relation to clause nine. All those in favour,'raise their right hand. Carried unanimously.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUS

MR WRAN: First of all there is an amendment moved by Ardill, which I now put. It is amendment number 11, delegates. The mover has indicated acceptance. Would all those in favour of the amendment raise their right hand. Against?

I declare it as carried.

CARRIED

(Continued on page 118)

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ALP MOTIONS

MR WRAN: That becomes the motion.

I beg your pardon. Now,

for amendment 26 moved by delegate Burnswoods which the movers have indicated they reject. All those in favour of the motion, please raise their right hand.

LOST

MR WRAN: I put clause 10 as amended. All those in favour, raise the right hand. Unanimous.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUSLY

MR WRAN: Delegates, amendment number 14 moved by delegate Hogan. It is the restoration and maintenance of full employment and the abolition of poverty and you will remember that the mover of the motion agreed to accept this, subject to redrafting and positioning. Will all those in favour please raise the right hand.

CARRIED

MR WRAN: I now put clause 11 as amended. All those in favour please raise the right hand.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUSLY

MR WRAN: Clause 12, the national executive proposal. I put it without amendment. All those in favour, raise the right hand.

CARRIED - UNANIMOUSLY

MR WRAN: Clause 13. There are two amendments and I will put them separately. The first is amendment number 15. I am dealing at the moment with clause 13.

MR DUNCAN: Have you gone back to your original agenda? It has already been defeated.

AR WRAN: Just a moment. I am dealing at the moment with clause 13 and I am trying to understand delegate Pengelly's point of order.

MR DUNCAN: Mr Chairman, there is a South Australian amendment to this clause and that is according to the decision we made earlier about state matters taking precedence over the others, should be put first.

MS PENGELLY: The amendment is that sexuality is included and political affiliation and race.

MR WRAN: .Well, each of those ingredients is included in amendment number 15 which I was about to put, and I think the assumption was that this amendment catered what was in the South Australian amendment and over took it. Have you got amendment number 15? T37/l/TL ALP 118 MR WRAN 27/ 7/81

MS PENGELLY: Yes.

MR WRAN: I will read it as it was moved.

Elimination of discrimination and exploitation on the grounds of class, sex, sexuality, race, religion, political affiliation, national origin, citizenship, age, disability, regional

location or economic or household status.

MS PENGELLY: We are aware of that amendment but we believe that our South Australian one should be put first.

MR WRAN: In that case, I think you are correct and I uphold your point of order and I put the South Australian proposal- 13.

MR BEAZLEY: I object on a point of order. How does the South Australian resolution emerge? Is it from the amendment to the South Australian branch that was defeated or has it been moved separately? You

ruled me out of order earlier in the day.

MR WRAN: No, I did not, because the whole of the Western Australian proposal was put to the conference where the only part of the South Australian proposal which was -defeated is the first paragraph and the numbered

paragraphs standing separately and the first one to be passed by the South Australian delegate is clause 13, which is exactly the same as the clause we are putting. Delegates, I now put South Australian

clause 13. All those in favour, please raise the right hand.

CARRIED

MR HARTLEY: Mr Chairman, just on a further point, of order, in view of that last ruling which I think quite substantially changed the perception of some delegates and I certainly agree with what was carried in the name of the South Australian branch but of course it leaves

some others of us now wondering what in fact was rejected and was not rejected from state attitudes that have been expressed on germaine subject matter and I would feel myself, if I might express an opinion, in sympathy with delegate Beazley in this matter and in some confusion as to where we really

stand. If you could explain that further because you have severed: some types of subject matter from the objector's area and I think it ought to be made a little bit plainer because we might be looking to pick

up items that we believe to be germane to other matters, before conference.

T37/2/TL ALP 119 AMENDMENTS 27/ 7/81