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Thursday, 21 April 1904


Sir WILLIAM LYNE (Hume) (Minister for Trade and Customs) . - I do not think I should have occupied the time of the Chamber at this late stage of the debate had it not-


Mr JOSEPH COOK (PARRAMATTA, NEW SOUTH WALES) - It is a last dying speech.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - It is not a " last dying speech," as the honorable member will find before I have done. I should not have addressed the Committee had it not been that my name has been used very freely, not only in the press, but also on many occasions in this chamber, especially by my. I shall not say erratic, but funny friend, the leader of the Opposition. Under the circumstances, I think I am justified, even at this late hour, in saying a word or two on the question which has brought about this crisis.


Mr G B EDWARDS (SOUTH SYDNEY, NEW SOUTH WALES) - The leader of the Opposition can stand all that the Minister for Trade and Customs can say.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - The leader of the Opposition has not, so far, been able to stand what I say, because he generally runs away. I was glad to hear the honorable and learned member for Northern Melbourne, who intends to vote for the amendment, state that the amendment before us is not to be considered as a motion of censure on the Government. I am sure that, with one or two exceptions, there is scarcely an honorable member who does so regard the amendment. It in no way expresses any want of confidence in the past administration, works, and acts of the Government. I venture to think that the work done under the leadership of Sir Edmund Barton, and continued under the leadership of the honorable and learned member for Ballarat, is unparalleled in quantity and in quality. It must not be forgotten that great work is necessary in the inauguration of a Commonwealth. The task of a Government is very different when dealing - with the ordinary measures and routine work initiated and carried on. in the various States ever since the granting of their Constitutions. Under an. entirely new Constitution a Ministry has a gigantic task, which requires more consideration and greater energy than many honorable members, and many people outside, who are apt to take exception to the administration of the Federal Government, have the slightest idea of. I think I am safe in saying that, at. the present moment, one of the members of the first Ministry lies in a very serious state in consequence of overwork during the first two sessions; indeed, the breakdown of several other Ministers was almost caused. The measures which are now on the statute-book of the Commonwealth reflect the greatest credit on the Government. It may be that every clause of these measures is not in accord with the opinions of honorable members opposite, or of other honorable members in the chamber. We know perfectly well that the Tariff Act does not meet with the approval of the Opposition, but the Government were sent to do a certain work for the people of Australia, and in spite of attacks and deliberate "stonewalling" on the part of honorable members opposite-


Mr Reid - This is a vicious attack.


Mr JOSEPH COOK (PARRAMATTA, NEW SOUTH WALES) - I rise to a point of order. I should not take my present objection but for -the line of argument that the Minister for Trade and Customs is adopting. I submit that the honorable gentleman is not in order in debating the whole past history of the Government, but must be kept strictly to the amendment before the Committee.


The CHAIRMAN - I am waiting to see how the Minister for Trade and Customs proposes to connect his remarks with the question before the Chair.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - There is not much difficulty in showing the connexion ; indeed, it is already shown. The honorable member who addresed the House before the honorable and learned member for Northern Melbourne, made an attack on the Government in relation to their past work, and stated that the amendment before the Committee amounted to a motion of want of confidence. I am endeavouring to show that that statement is not altogether in accordance with fact. If, however, the question before the Chair is to be considered as a motion of censure, we know - and this only shows how erroneous was the view of the honorable member - that under such a motion almost any event in the history of a Government for years past may be discussed. In my opinion, this crisis has arisen at a time when, putting myself out of the question altogether, but considering the present position of measures before Parlia-1 ment, it was not expected nor desired, either by a majority of the members of this Chamber, or a majority of the people of Australia.


Mr Reid - This is a vicious attack !


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I am satisfied that almost every member of the party which has chosen to submit this amendment is in favour of the programme of the present Government; and how that party can take its present course at this juncture it is difficult to conceive.


Mr Reid - It arises from bad management.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - On the part of the Opposition. It has to be admitted that the situation is very acute at present, and honorable members may cast their minds back for a few moments in order to ascertain what has been the cause of the party, known as the Labour Party, taking such a concrete stand on an amendment of the kind. I know some honorable members may differ from me, but I believe the origin of all this trouble was the taking away of part of the franchise from the public servants of Victoria. When that step was taken I said that for any act of the kind, whether by a Federal Government or by a State Government, a time of retribution was sure to come. I should like honorable members who approve of the action then taken by the Victorian Government to place themselves in the position of the public servants who lost a portion of their franchise, and who are deprived of rights and powers enjoyed bv other men with whom they mav at times be working side by side. I feel satisfied that that step on the part of the Victorian Government brought about the unfortunate railway strike - a strike which must be regretted and denounced by every member of the community, no matter what his feeling may be in regard to the origin of the trouble.' I will not say that strikes are necessary, but strikes do take place occasionally in the case of private companies, private individuals, and private firms. There is no justification, however, for any set of men to at any time strike against a Government in whose services they are.


Mr Page - What else were the men to do?


Mr Reid - What these fellows are doing now.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I do not address the members of the Labour Party as " these fellows."


Mr Reid - I did not mean the words offensively.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - The railwaymen of Victoria should, I think, have restrained themselves until an opportunity was afforded to redress their grievances at the ballot-box. A strike against the Government could not be tolerated in any community.


Mr Ronald - The Parliament took away their votes.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - They took away a portion of their franchise, as I have said. I think it will be admitted that I have dealt with that matter fairly, and I have only stated what has been in my mind on the subject. I desire to say that in my opinion the action of the State Parliament of Victoria is, in the first instance, to be credited with having brought about the present' condition of things in this Parliament.


Mr Wilks - Then it is a Victorian storm.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - Yes ; but unfortunately the Victorian storm has extended beyond Victoria, lt has extended to the honorable member's electorate, to other parts of New South Wales, and elsewhere. I also think that, considering the action of the past and present Prime Ministers, and of the Federal Government, in regard to the Labour Party, during the existence of this Parliament, the members of that party are not returning much for the consideration which has been shown them by the Government.- In saying that, I feel that I am entitled to speak with perhaps more authority than are some other persons.


Mr Reid - Hear, hear. No man has worked harder for them.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - Whenever I have worked for any section, or for any persons, I have always done the best I could for them. I have not said, "I am going to do this and that," and yet have never done it, hanging on by the eye-brows to promises for four or five years. I have endeavoured to describe the position of affairs. Many have said that it is intolerable that there should be three parties in this House, and it is certain that there must be some give and take between the two parties, who are working together, if, the position is not to become altogether intolerable. I would remind honorable members that this measure has not been hung up for two or three months. It has been submitted honestly by the Prime Minister at the earliest possible date. No one can accuse the honorable and learned gentleman at the head of the Government of wishing to retain office, because he knew that if he was determined that this matter should be brought to an issue, it was possible that he would be defeated upon it. With the exception, perhaps, of the honorable and learned member for Werriwa, every honorable member acknowledges that this Conciliation and Arbitration Bill is a good measure. And when this amendment is attempted to be driven like a wedge into the Bill, which is considered to be so good in every other respect, it seems to me that certain persons have almost taken leave of their senses, because the result will probably be that they will destroy the whole fabric they have wished to build up. Knowing that it was likely that insistence upon an amendment, such as this, would have the effect of destroying the whole Bill, would it not have been wiser on the part of those who are anxious to see a Conciliation and Arbitration Bill passed to have refrained from submitting it? I can claim that I am most anxious to have a Conciliation and Arbitration Bill passed. This is not the first Bill of the kind I have had to deal with, In the State of New South Wales this legislation was initiated by myself. As the head of the State Government I first agreed to my Attorney - General taking action in this direction, and such a measure is now the law in New South Wales. But to place the railway servants and the public servants generally under a State Conciliation and Arbitration Act, as has been clone in New South Wales, is very different from placing them under an Act administered by the Federal Government, because they are dealt with, considered, and paid by the State. I should have no objection if this were a parallel case. We have, for instance, to deal with the military and naval forces of the Commonwealth, and with officers of the Federal Public Service in every part of the continent, and we have power to deal with them in a Federal Bill, because we control them, and vote the money required to pay them.


Mr Kelly - Would the honorable gentleman put the Military under the Conciliation and Arbitration Act?


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - No; I am not saying that I would. I am merely pointing out that the Federal Parliament votes the money for the Military Forces, and that the tendency in the future must be to equalize the pay of public servants throughout the whole of Australia, whether in the railway, or military, or general public services. What happened the other day in Tasmania when the Minister for Defence and the General Officer Commanding the Military Forces of the Commonwealth were there? Because there had not been an assimilation of the pay to members of the Military Force in all the States of the Commonwealth many of the men who were in the force in Tasmania are now out of it. When I had the privilege of acting for the Minister for Home Affairs I found that there was a great outcry in South Australia because the public servants were not being paid at the same rate as in other parts of the Commonwealth. The Public Service Commissioner of the Commonwealth is at present endeavouring to grade the service on one principle, and, I say, the time must come when persons employed in the railway services will' have to be graded in very much the same way. But as things are at present I think it is the States that should deal with the matter, and not the Federal Government. If it were constitutional, I should have no objection, personally, to the railway servants coming under the Federal Conciliation and Arbitration Act. But, despite the arguments used by our leading lawyers, who have been about equally divided in this matter, I, as a layman, still feel that it is unconstitutional to bring railway servants or States public servants under trie control of the Federal Government in the way proposed. I feel that I am justified in voting against the amendment for two reasons : one because it is unconstitutional - and I have not the least doubt on that point - and the other because I believe that the effect of carrying the amendment will be to destroy a measure in which I, at any rate, take a very great interest.


Mr Higgins - We may use the Federal Military Forces to shoot down strikers, but we may not use Federal policemen to keep the peace.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - The honorable and learned member is putting a very extreme case, indeed. I felt that, when arguing just now, he was submitting the most extreme cases on which he could lay his hands. I think there is a special provision in the Constitution dealing with the matter to which he has referred, because the Federal Government is empowered to preserve order throughout the Commonwealth.


Mr Higgins - Is it not inconsistent that we may secure the peace by shooting, and that we may not secure the peace by reasoning?


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - In one case there would be no interference with the States rights, as the States would not come into the question, whilst in the other case States rights would be seriously interfered with. Every one who took any note of what was being done will know that I fought against the Commonwealth Bill when it was before the people in New South Wales. One reason for my opposition to it was that I thought that the equal representation given to the States in the Senate would not be conducive to the best interests of New South Wales. I was not against States rights, but the proposal as submitted was too drastic, and should" have been tempered. Therefore, so far as I am concerned, I cannot be considered such an extremist upon the question of States rights as some others may be. Still, now that the Constitution is the law of the land, the Federal Parliament has no right whatever to step one foot ' beyond the border laid down in the Constitution to interfere with the rights of the States, and the States have no right to complain if the Federal Government do any act which is within the scope of the Federal power, and does not infringe State rights. I am one of those - and in this respect I differ a little from some of my colleagues - who believe that it is not wise to allow the States to feel to too great an extent that they can dictate to the Federal Government. My view is that the Federal Government, in reason and wisdom, should

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deal with all their measures so long as they keep within their rights, without being dictated to by any State or States.


Mr Page - The High Court will make us do that.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I regret very much that there is not in the Constitution a provision under which this question could be referred to the High Court, in the same way as measures have been referred to the Courts in other parts of the world. It is useless and unwise to discuss a matter as we have been doing if the provision, sought to be included in the Bill, would be unconstitutional and of no effect.


Mr Reid - Then the fate of a Ministry might depend on a decision of the High Court.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - No doubt that has happened, and in more places than one.


Mr Reid - That is very wrong ; it ought not to be so.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - We learned from a cablegram in the press the other day that in Canada a completed Bill was considered by some legal authority - I suppose the Attorney-General - to be unconstitutional. What was done? The Bill was not taken into the Parliament to be discussed, but under their law it was referred to the Supreme Court to say whether it infringed State rights or not. The High Court is specially qualified to express an opinion on that point. It exists for the purpose of deciding whether Stale rights are being infringed or not.


Mr Hughes - The High Court could only decide on a concrete case.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - In the case to which I referred a whole measure was submitted to the Supreme Court before it was submitted to the Parliament.


Mr Reid - It could not be done here.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I regret that in the Constitution there is no provision under which that could be done. In all the circumstances, I think it is scarcely fair to the Prime Minister that the Labour Party should have placed the Government in the position of having either to back down - which, after the statements he made, -could not be done - or to go out of office.


Mr Watson - There was a fair fight at the general elections. We appealed to the people, and they gave us a majority.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I do not say that there was not an appeal to the people, but I submit that, in a great many places it was not a very strenuous appeal on this point.


Mr Watson - It was so far as we were concerned.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I know that in my electorate and that of my honorable friend, the question came up, but in a large number of the electorates throughout Australia it did not come up, and was not referred to.


Mr Tudor - It came up in my electorate, and it was opposed by my opponent.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I have no doubt that it did. I venture to think that if consulted their constituents would say to the honorable members for Bland and Yarra - " Bring up this question in some separate form if you wish it to be dealt with, so that you shall not crush out of existence a measure which is so greatly desired by the people all over Australia."


Mr Page - We will all have to answer for our conduct.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I think that every honorable member has the right to take his own position, and I am only complaining of the want of a little cohesion or a little give and take between the Labour Party and the Government. When I heard my honorable colleague the Minister for Home Affairs lecturing the Labour Party on the caucus, I could not help thinking that many and many a time he has been in a caucus. I suppose that every party which has existed has been in a caucus. I know that I have.


Sir John Forrest - They can leave when they like.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I dare' say that they can, but they have to answer for their conduct. The only part of the constitution of the Labour Party of which I have felt that I could complain is that which causes its members, as I understand, to sign a bond.


Mr Fisher - Who told the honorable gentleman that ?


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I do not remember, but I know that I have been informed that every member .of the Labour Party has to sign a bond.


Mr Fisher - The honorable gentleman can tell the man who told him that that he is a liar.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - If I did he might hit me. I do not see that there is the slightest harm in caucusing. I do not think that any one could raise the smallest objection to it. The movement for this legislation dates from the time when the men in this State were partly deprived of their franchise. I should not have referred to this matter had I not noticed that the Premier of Victoria in a speech made last night stated that I had approached him - and that is the only way in which his remark can be read - with a view to getting him to introduce a Conciliation and Arbitration Bill for Victoria. I feel that it was very unfair on his part to place the matter in that light before the public, because that is not the way in which the communication took place. I hold that if the Government of the State did what I conceive to be right they would introduce and carry through a Bill for that purpose. New South Wales, Western Australia, and South Australia have each a Conciliation and Arbitration Act, although it is not effective in the last-named State; and I understand that there is a prospect of Queensland getting a Conciliation and Arbitration Act. Under these circumstances, I think that Victoria should not stand out on an important question of this kind. If Victoria had such an Act on its statute-book there would be no necessity for dealing with this question here. The Premier of that State says that he is not going to allow its public servants to be interfered with by the Federal Government. I think that he is quite right in taking up that position, and I believe that lie will have the law with him. If he would only take the opportunity of dealing with the State servants in a Conciliation and Arbitration Bill there would be no necessity for the Federal Government to interfere in the smallest degree, even if they have the right.


Mr Higgins - Will he give the State servants votes, too? o


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - That is the one act to which I take exception. I wish to give a short outline of the way in which this matter arose with the Premier of Victoria. The communication was made in confidence, but that confidence has been broken, and, therefore, I have a right to place my side of the story before the House. A statement was made to the effect that the harbors and rivers, with the beacons and buoys, were to be taken over by the Federal Government, and Mr. Bent communicated with the Prime Minister with a view to get particulars, and to learn what the statement meant. The Prime Minister referred the matter to me, with the result that Mr. Bent communicated with me. I could not meet him on that day, and he was coming to my office on the next day. I telephoned to him, and he said that he would come over if I particularly wished it, but he asked me to go to his office, if it was not inconvenient, and I went over. The question which I went to discuss, and which we did discuss, was the question of what we intended to take over in regard to the harbors and rivers. After that question had been disposed of, and the matter of a sand pump dredge had been discussed, he asked me how the Government was getting on, and what was going to be the outcome of all the trouble. "Well," I said, ''if you would only do what you should do - introduce a Conciliation and Arbitration Bill - I do not think that there would be- any trouble." He picked up a paper, which was lying on the table, and he said - " Read that : That is my programme," and in that programme were the words "Conciliation and Arbitration, on the lines of New South Wales." That is how this matter came about.


Mr McDonald - Has he ' announced that plank from the platform?


Mr Reid - The honorable gentleman ought to have got it pushed through in time for this amendment.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I asked Mr. Bent whether I could speak to the Prime Minister, and he said - "Yes, and I shall send my Attorney-General to him." But I do not think that his Attorney-General ever called. I did not go to the Premier of Victoria to ask him to introduce a Conciliation and Arbitration Bill, as the report of his speech in the Argus makes out.

He did not want to say anything about the Federal Government, because it was in the throes of a crisis. Some time ago, however, Sir William Lyne had asked him whether his Government would pass a Bill for Arbitration and Conciliation. He had referred Sir William to the Attorney-General, but apparently he had not seen him.

I have described exactly what took place, word for word, and act for act.


Mr Wilks - That is only a little yarn.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I am sorry that it was put in that way, or that any thing was said about it. It was put as though I had gone and tried to get it done. I did not do anything of the kind. It came about exactly as I have stated. I telegraphed to the Premier of Victoria yesterday to know whether he was going to carry out this promise, or whether I could refer to it when speaking to-night, and I got the reply that his Government was not going to carry it out. That is the history of the matter. I wish to place myself right with- honorable members, I hope that the Premier of Victoria will not be annoyed because I have referred to the subject'; but he had no right to refer to it. It was a sacred thing so far as I was concerned, and I did not mention it to a soul, with the exception of the Prime Minister, until he referred to it in his speech yesterday. Therefore, I do not think he can blame me for having put myself right before the people of Australia. The amendment will, I presume, be carried*. The Minister for Home Affairs said last night that he had no official knowledge on the subject, though we must, I suppose, expect to receive such knowledge shortly. But how is the motion to be carried? When the Bill was introduced, the eloquent and able speech of the Prime Minister was replied to by the leader of the Opposition, who said that he intended to support the Government in connexion with the measure. Afterwards, in conversation with me as to the prospect of the measure being carried, the Prime Minister said - " Surely there will be no trouble in connexion with it, because the Opposition are going to support it." I replied - " Do you expect the leader of the Opposition to bring his party to support you? You do not know him so well as I do."


Mr Reid - That is ungrateful. I have saved the Government twice.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I said-" You mark my words, he will flutter along the surface-- "


Mr Reid - Eighteen-stone flutter !


Sir WILLIAM LYNE -" But But when the time comes, you will find that the rank and file of the Opposition will club together for the purpose of defeating the Government."


Mr Reid - That was quite unusual, I suppose, when the honorable member was in Opposition?


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - The leader of the Opposition tried to play the game of the spider with the fly. He thought that he would get the Prime Minister into his web, and probably has succeeded, so far as the amendment is concerned. I think, however, that he will never catch the honorable gentleman again, because he will be known too well after what has taken place on this occasion. What happened a short time afterwards, when the leader of the Opposition went to Sydney? He was interviewed by a- reporter of the Daily

Telegraph,and, amongst other things, he said - because he knew I know him -

Sir WilliamLyne never thinks of that sort of thing. Fancy Sir William Lyne appealing to me to rally all my forces to keep good govern-. ment going in his precious person.

After taking the Prime Minister to task for having believed that the words he used here were the words of a truthful politician, of one who could be relied upon, as a promise given by the leader of the Opposition to the leader of the Government-


Mr Reid - Is the honorable member really sorry about this?


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I am not a bit sorry about it. Probably before many months are over the right honorable member will be more sorry than I am. I am only attempting to show the course which has been followed by him. Speaking of the members of his own party, he said -

If he judges in a different way from me, he will get no black looks from me.

That was a reference to the attitude of his followers on the front and second Opposition benches. Was not that an intimation to them that he was willing that they should drive the stiletto into the Government while he looked on ? Was he not virtually saying to them - " I will technically do what I promised to do, but all the time I intend to prostitute the high position which a leader of an Opposition holds in every Parliament in the world" ? In my humble estimation, there was never anything so degrading as the promise of the leader of the Opposition to help the Government in connexion with this measure, while driving bts followers over to the Labour Party in order that they might destroy the Government.


Mr Lonsdale - He did not speak for his party. " Sir WILLIAM LYNE.- No doubt there are some members of the Opposition who will not consent to be driven.


Mr Reid - What about the followers of the Government ?


Mr Robinson - Are there no defections from the Ministerial ranks?


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I shall refer to them presently. We were not supposed to understand the right honorable member's attitude until three or four speeches had been delivered from the Opposition benches - speeches such as those of the honorable members for New England and Lang. What disreputable statements they put forward ! They stated that they were against the principle of the amendment, but that they intended to deliberately vote against their consciences, in order to defeat the Government, and to destroy this Bill.


Mr Lonsdale - Hear, hear.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - That is the sort of opposition which the Government has had to face all the time. It is not fair warfare ; it is not straight-out, honest, honorable fighting. I,t is fighting from behind a hedge, from the shelter of a ditch, or from any other low place that honorable members can get into.


Mr Lonsdale - What does the honorable member know about honorable fighting ? We know him of old. He should not harp upon that strain.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - The honorable member does me the honour to say that he knows me of old. I, too, know him of old.


Mr Lonsdale - And the honorable gentleman knows my private opinion of him.


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - I do not care what the honorable member's private opinion of me may be. I have never had the pleasure of hearing it.


Mr Lonsdale - Yes, and in the honorable gentleman's private office. This man to talk of honour ! I know him !


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - When the honorable member has recovered from his flurry and excitement. I shall proceed. I hope that the ardent Opposition whip will restrain him. It is not wise for him to fly into such passions. I wish to draw the attention of the country to the dishonorable political tactics which have been adopted by the leader of the Opposition and h?s closest followers. But, although I have expressed indignation and surprise. I am surprised at being surprised, because I do not think any one can be surprised at anything done by the followers of the leader of the Opposition, after the tuition he has given them, and the example he' has set them. That is the position of affairs. We are to have, not an honest, honorable vote, but a vote cast for a double purpose, such as the honorable member for New England has described. I will give my friends of the Labour Party credit for voting honestly. I believe that they firmly desire that the Bill shall become law; but I think that they are. taking the wrong course. While they are acting honestly, those who ,sit on the left of the Chair are dishonestly assisting them. The motives of .the Opposition stare us in the face. They are going to help the

Labour Party to defeat the Government and then try to destroy the Bill. If their action on this occasion is not a clear warning to those who are supporting the amendment, I do not give them credit for realizing the position.


Mr JOSEPH COOK (PARRAMATTA, NEW SOUTH WALES) - It is simply horrible !


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - The honorable member, no doubt, thinks lightly of it. He is so ready to do anything of this kind which is not in accordance with the ordinary ideas of rectitude that I am not surprised at any jeering remark he may make. I do not intend to speak at great length, as I have no wish to detain the Committee. I could not, however, refrain from referring to these few matters. Honorable members opposite have alluded to some of the members who usually support the Government taking a different course on the present occasion.


Mr Lonsdale - They are, I suppose, " disreputable members."


Sir WILLIAM LYNE - They are honest and straight. Honorable members opposite must not tell me that those who have sat so loyally behind the Government for three years would, unless they were quite convinced that it was their clear duty to do so, jeopardize the fate of a Ministry with which they have no quarrel. There would not be an attack made by them upon a Government which both the Labour Party and the usual Ministerial supporters desire to remain in office, unless those honorable members thought that a principle was at stake. They have assisted the Government in carrying through the Acts required by the Constitution, and I cannot be convinced that they are not acting honestly - every one of them - in voting the way they intend to vote. I believe that they would prefer to see those measures which are necessary to complete the machinery of the Constitution, carried out by the present Government, which, I venture to believe, the people consider to have done well during a very arduous and trying time.







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