Download Fragment

Thursday, 12 September 1901
Page: 4826

Mr WILKS (Dalley) - It must be recognised that this is now not so much a matter for second-reading debate as one of anxiety to know what is the attitude of the Government. The Government have been asked whether they are prepared to accept the amendment of the honorable member for Bland, and if they would make a reply, it would save much time. In the interests of the people of Australia, and in the interests of the House, it would be. wise for the Government to intimate now whether they intend to withdraw their objection to the amendment.

Mr Higgins - The honorable member is making this Bill too much a party question.

Mr WILKS - I trust that the Prime Minister will take an assurance, even from a humble member of the Opposition, that we on this side of the House feel that there is no room for party in a matter of this kind. The question of a "white Australia" is not one which should depend on party issues or party votes. The honorable member for Wentworth has been accused elsewhere of having made this a party matter, but so far as honorable members on this side of the House are concerned, he did not call a meeting, and there was no consultation. We hope to be able to cany out the suggestion of the Attorney-General and speak with unflexible firmness, uninfluenced by the authorities of Downing-street. I do not think the members from the State of New South Wales have shrunk to such small proportions that they are prepared on every occasion to make a party question of a matter of national policy, of a matter a vital character. The Attorney-General's speech was the greatest appeal that could have been made on behalf of the amendment, his attitude from the beginning being an absolute demonstration of the necessity of the proposal of the honorable member for Bland. The only objection that could be made to the honorable member's speech was his unkind reference, made purely in a party spirit, to the honorable member for Wentworth. But I think the Attorney-General regrets those remarks, and he must admit that the position he takes up is the position of the honorable member for Wentworth, when that honorable member said that, assuming the British Government refused to give full power of autonomous government, he would be compelled to make his decision. No man who knows the political history of Australia would look on the honorable member for Wentworth as a republican, and if there has been any effort to make this a party issue, it has been on the side of the Government, when the speech of the honorable member for Wentworth was attacked on the ground of disloyalty. We have been asked to show inflexible firmness ; but how can that be shown unless the two Chambers are unanimous ? I would like to see such unanimity as to show to the authorities at Downing-street, that the] people and Parliament of Australia are determined in demanding effective control in regard to the introduction of alien labour.

Mr Deakin - Hear, hear.

Mr WILKS - The Attorney-General says " Hear, hear " but that is the whole position. I trust that the Prime Minister, when he has an opportunity of hearing honorable members, will not think there is an opposition on this vital matter, because it is only right that the Federal Parliament should deal with this matter on a broad, national basis. The Prime Minister must recognise that our people are not afraid to speak in no uncertain manner to the authorities of the home country, and I hope he will see the wisdom of accepting the amendment of the honorable member for Bland. I would remind honorable members that the Attorney- General said there was no finality in this measure. But if he admits there is no finality, he admits that there is danger of failure, and it is curious that such a powerful logician could not see the position into which he was driving himself. Again, if a further argument is required as to the extent of our powers in this matter, the Attorney-General himself has supplied it. He says we have the power under the Constitution, and he has cited sub-section 26, of section 51 of the Constitution Act, in support of that statement. We have the power to deal with this question thoroughly. This Constitution was given to us by the British Parliament. The British Parliament indorsed the powers contained in it, and the Attorney-General is as well aware as any other honorable member, that the British Parliament knew at the time the effect of the section he quoted. If they have given us this power to pass an effective measure for the restriction of coloured alien immigration, are we to consider for a moment that the Imperial authorities will oppose our demands when they are made in a thorough manner? The Prime Minister rose to a high level - as he can do upon constitutional and important political questions - some weeks ago when dealing with this question. He told us that this was a matter of definite and high policy on the part of the Government. If we examine the Bill in the light of those adjectives, we shall discover whether it is a measure containing a high or a definite policy. The Attorney-General has told us himself that there is no finality in it. If the honorable and learned gentleman was speaking accurately, then he contradicted the Prime Minister's assertion that he took up a high and definite stand upon this question. Then we are told that this high policy appears in the provision for an educational test, and that while the full application of that test would keep out Europeans, it will never be exercised against them. We are told that under a judicious administration - those were the words used by the Prime Minister - the hurtful effects of this measure will not be applied to Europeans. Is this in accordance with the high ideals of a new nation which desires to show the people of. the world the high standard that it aims, at ? I think we are placed in a most degrading position when the Prime Minister is prepared to tell us that under the operation of this Bill officials will wink the other eye. That is an expressive Australianism, and I am compelled to use it to carry home with as much force as I can the unfortunate position in which the Prime. Minister has placed himself. Again the Prime Minister, in his speech on the second, reading, anticipated the attitude the Attorney General has taken up to-day when he said - "If this Act does not effect the purpose we shall come to the Legislature for further powers." There is an indication that the Bill will not accomplish the desired effect ; a proof, again, of its want of finality I do not wish to deal with the dangers that surround the introduction of coloured aliens in Australia, because I think they ar& admitted. It would be simply a waste of time to give illustrations either from Queensland, New South Wales, or any other portion of our island continent as to the danger of continued incursions of alien races. A grave danger is to be feared from the infiltration of these races. By a slow and unobserved process a steady and gradual invasion is taking place from which we have the most to fear. It is said that Japan is an ally of Great Britain, and that that is one reason why we should approach the Home Government in the way proposed in the Bill. What we have to consider, however, is whether th& fight should take place now by the refusal of . Australia under this Bill to allow the influx of these colored races, or whether it should take place in the future after this steady, disagreeable, and iniquitous process of infiltration has been going on for years. I venture to say so far as the Japanese are concerned, that any treaty which may have been arranged between Great Britain and Japan, relates simply to the position of the mother country in the eastern seas, and has nothing whatever to do with Australia. We are a self-governing power, and we have a right therefore to go to the Imperial authorities and ask their assent to the exclusion of any races that we may desire to shut out from this continent. The Attorney-General says that the Japanese are powerful, that they rapidly assimilate European customs and acquire knowledge, and that they are fast becoming the best educated force in the world. Does the honorable and learned gentleman mean to tell Downing street, then, that the educated and talented Japanese cannot see through this movement of ours ? Does he mean to tell this House that the highly-qualified Japanese, possessing great powers of perception and adaptability cannot see the weak part of this Bill, that they cannot see it is an attempt, to use an Americanism, "to whip the devil round the stump," notwithstanding the high ideals of Australians.

Mr Higgins - Which is the devil and which is the stump ?

Mr WILKS - The devil is the man on the stump who advocates black labour. I believe the honorable and learned member who interjects belongs to the devil's brigade, so that he is better able to answer the question than I am. If the Japanese can so rapidly adapt themselves to European customs, if they have readily adopted the manners of western civilization, what difficulty will they experience in passing the test provided in this Bill? The sole requirement is a knowledge of the English language, and it is only reasonable to suppose that upon the passing of this measure such an astute people would immediately start schools for the instruction of the Japanese in that language. If Downing street is to give any consideration to this measure at all, it must see clearly that the European powers will have an excuse for provoking a quarrel with England in the proposal contained in the Bill to make a knowledge of the English language the test for the admission of all aliens to Australia. They may say that this is diplomatic - that it answers the description of the diplomatist as an honest man who leaves his country and lies in another - that Australia with her high ideals should start her national life by lying to the other nations of the world. I for one, 'however, am opposed to it. One of the arguments in favour of federation, as presented by that skilled speaker, the Attorney-General, and by the Prime Minister, was that the individual States of Australia spoke to Great Britain with a feeble voice, but that with the federation of Australia they would be able to put forward with a robust and united voice the desires of the people. Are we, after the consummation of federation, to still approach the Imperial authorities as the individual States approached them in the past ? This very Bill goes no further than a measure introduced in a State Legislature "would go. The attitude of the State Parliaments in the past has not been exceeded by the attitude of the Commonwealth Government upon this matter. The inflexible purpose and firmness of the Australian people can be no better exemplified than by clearly expressing to Downing-street their aspiration that a white Australia shall come and come speedily. Reference has been made to the danger of delay. The Attorney-General admits that there is no ground for saying that this measure will be accepted by the Imperial authorities. All that the honorable and learned gentleman knows is that it is to the spirit of the people who direct the Imperial authorities, and not to the desire of the Imperial authorities themselves, that we have to look. The spirit of the people is such that they are prepared to allow their own kinsmen in Australia to determine who shall, and who shall not, be inhabitants of this country. If it is expressed with inflexible firmness that the whole of Australia requires a measure that will be thoroughly effective, we shall attain our wish. We shall obtain it by a straight-out course. Why should there be any humility on our part ? Why should we be asked, in our manhood's day, to take the step of a child when the step of a man is required ? Shall we reduce the opposition of the eastern nations to our proposals by covering up our intentions in this Bill, and piloting the measure past the Imperial authorities under a subterfuge? Shall we not also gain the respect of foreign powers by openly stating that we do not require their people here, and that we are prepared to take the consequences of refusing to admit them ? There is not the slightest doubt that the black labour problem in the United States of America is a very serious one. The black people there have increased to such an extent, and have gained such power, that the jurists and statesmen there pause and look with fear upon them. A repetition of the trouble will occur in this country if these servile and objectionable races are allowed to continue to invade our shores. We are told that self-preservation is the first law. That is an aphorism we have known since our childhood. The Prime Minister admits that self-preservation is an instinct which rises above international law and lmperial relations.

Not that any member of this House seriously entertains the idea of separating from Great Britain, nor can any of us believe that the Imperial authorities, in their present day advancement, would refuse the properly expressed desires of federated Australia.We have now an opportunity of stating forcibly and unmistakably our wishes in regard to this matter. It is no party question, and both Opposition and Government can join in assisting the aspirations of the people to keep our land pure and unsullied from these Eastern nations. I trust, therefore, that the Ministry will withdraw their objection to the amendment, that the House will pass it, and that it will be agreed to by the other Chamber, so that the measure may go to the Home authorities as the outspoken unanimous expression of the desires of the people of Australia. The "cut-the-painter" policy has died but. Since the war with America, Great Britain has given full liberty to her colonies. She has allowed those who. have been the pioneers of civilization throughout the globe to have the fullest liberty of action in matters of selfgovernment.We were all pleased to read of the manner in which the Attorney-General was received by the Imperial authorities, and the weight which was attached to his statements as an accredited representative of Australia ; but it has been the constant desire of the Imperial Government not to provoke the resentment of the colonies. That being so, no one to-day would advocate the " cutting of the painter." I hope that the Attorney-General will have the courage, before the debate closes, to withdraw the unfair inference for which he is responsible, that the honorable member for Wentworth is seized of narrow republican ideas of government. The honorable and learned gentlemen cruelly misinterpreted the remarks of the honorable member for Wentworth.

Mr Deakin - The honorable member for Dalley misinterprets my remarks in reference to the honorable member for Wentworth. I only replied to something I was challenged to reply to.

Mr WILKS - Are we to understand that the honorable and learned member's unkind remarks applied to some other person existing in some other country ? If that is so, the honorable member for Wentworth is cleared of the aspersion that he has adopted a republican attitude. The Prime Minister has stated that this Bill is not aimed at Europeans, although, if put into operation, it will restrict the immigration of certain classes of Europeans. Such a statement is an admission of duplicity, and surely it is undesirable that a great nation like Australia should be a party to anything that is not straightforward. The Attorney-General, too, told us that the measure is aimed primarily at the Japanese, but he has admitted in the course of his remarks that they are so skilled, and have such great powers of acquiring knowledge that their civilization is now almost equal to ours. Therefore, we are aiming at them an arrow without a barb, and the measure will have no practical effect in excluding them. Then we are told that there is to be no finality in this legislation - that the passing of this Bill will call for the passing of another measure later on. Such a statement is an admission that the measure will be a failure, an admission which you, Mr. Speaker, must have heard with a good deal of astonishment. The people of the State of New South Wales have read with admiration and pleasure the remarks of the honorable member for Wentworth. His cautiousness in State politics may have led some to believe that he would adopt a different attitude on this question, but I am pleased to see him in the radical ranks, and, as you, sir, know, the radicals in this House sit not behind the Government, but on the Opposition side of the chamber. The powerful Melbourne press have tried to insinuate that the honorable member for Wentworth was conservative in type, and that he would therefore not adopt an attitude of loyalty towards Australia. The people do not want to see the question of a white Australia dallied with by politicians, or used as an issue by which one side or another may get into power. They expect that the Parliament of Australia will obtain for them what has been refused to the State Parliaments. The Government should either withdraw the Bill or intimate to the House that they are prepared to accept the amendment of the honorable member for Bland, and thus show that they are trying to uphold the ideas of the people. No doubt Australia, in dealing with this problem, will have many difficulties to face, but they will be better faced by immediate action than by allowing delay. The Attorney-General cited an historical incident, when, in the early days, the people of Port Phillip resisted the landing of convicts on their shores. Surely if in those days the people here could resist the landing of British subjects of British birth, federated Australia is in a position to ask the Imperial authorities to allow her to carry into effect the desires and aspirations of her people 1 In answer to the objection that the people have not fully considered this matter, I would say that the States ha.ve considered it, and that prior to the union some of them passed Statutes restricting the immigration of undesirable and servile races. I believe that the chief reason why Queensland joined the Union, at great sacrifice to her own present interests, and interference with her internal administration, was that her people thought that the Federal Government would insist upon the carrying out of their aspirations in this respect. I believe that if the authorities at Downing-street took the trouble to obtain a knowledge of the wishes of Australia, they would find that from one end of the continent to the other the people are ready to speak in one tune and in one voice in favour of- restriction. With regard to the educational test I think it is absurd, and I trust that we shall not be weak enough to approach the British Government with any such subterfuge, but that our attitude will be characterized by robustness and honesty, instead of our taking a roundabout course. We should adopt such a straightforward method of expressing our desires as to compel the respect and admiration of the Imperial authorities. There is no necessity for us to exercise that diplomacy which has grown up in Europe through centuries of tradition, but which with us ought to be an unknown art. We know that the Chinese are adepts in the arts of dissimulation, and we should not present ourselves to them in such a way that they may be excused for regarding us as equalling them in that respect. We should adopt the most direct and simple means of achieving what we require, and I earnestly ask the Government to reconsider the whole matter, and to embody in the Bill the amendment that aims at keeping out all these people by the most direct and efficacious methods. I do not think that the Imperial authorities will hesitate to grant us what we want. We shall have to assert our position sooner or later, and we might as well assert it on straight and just lines as by means of a subterfuge. We are told that this Bill is not to be carried into effect so far as it might operate to the exclusion of the. European races, but we are asked to rely upon a judicious administration where they are concerned. In effect we are de. sired to pass a law which will have a general scope, but which will be applied only to the servile races, and which will not be used for the purpose of excluding foreign peoples of the same colour as ourselves. Instead of expressing our wishes by an Act of legislation plainly and simply, it is proposed that we should shelter ourselves behind the action of the Minister who may have the administration of this particular Bill. It is possible for us to take up a high and honorable position, and, as the Attorney-General, like the Prime Minister, has put this to us as a matter of definite and high policy, I hope he will give us an opportunity of expressing our desire by speaking out with inflexible firmness. My attitude on this matter, as expressed by my vote, will, certainly be in favour of this course. 1 hope we shall not hear any further suggestions that the members of the Opposition are influenced in their attitude on this subject by any party considerations. In all these great matters of national concern the members of the Opposition can apply themselves to the consideration of the matter in hand, without any straining after positions on the Treasury benches. We are not -all so anxious to secure office that we are willing to take any opportunity to get there, even at the expense of plunging the country into disgrace. If we were to disregard our duty in a matter of this kind, we should bring disgrace upon the country as well as trouble upon the Ministry. My desire is to see carried into effect speedily and effectively the establishment of a white Australia, and I hope that we shall arrive at that end by the most straightforward and dignified means.

---