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Thursday, 15 October 1914

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Debate resumed from 14th October (vide page 139), on motion by Senator Guy-

That the following «Address» - «in» - «Reply be agreed to : -

To Mis Excellency the Governor-General.

May it please Your Excellency -

We, the Senate of the Commonwealth of Australia, in Parliament assembled, desire to express our loyalty to our Most Gracious Sovereign, and to thank Your Excellency for the Speech which you have been pleased to address to Parliament.

Senator Lt.-Colonel Sir ALBERTGOULD (New South Wales) [3.17].- We may fairly congratulate the Leader of the Opposition upon the attitude which he assumed in dealing with the many proposals submitted in connexion with our Expeditionary Forces. It is unnecessary for me to elaborate the matters with which the honorable senator dealt, or to repeat his reminder as to the very important position which Australia occupies in regard to a possible result of a war of the present magnitude. Senator Millen referred to the desirability of our being in a better position with regard to the despatch of future Expeditionary Forces than we found ourselves in in connexion with the starting of the present Force as the result of a lack of proper equipment. We should, at least, at all times, have at hand the material necessary for the despatch of an Expeditionary Force. I am prepared to go a step further than Senator Millen in this matter, though I am not disposed to go as far as Senator Bakhap would suggest in making provision for Forces for military purposes. I believe that Lord Kitchener, in his report, recommended the establishment of an Expeditionary Force of 10,000 or 20,000 men to be available for foreign service at any time it should appear to be necessary to despatchmen from Australia, instead of having to rely at the initiation of such a Force entirely upon obtaining volunteers for the purpose. The Government should deal with the matter from the standpoint of the desirability of being fully prepared for such an emergency. If we were prepared to despatch at any moment an Expeditionary Force of 10,000 or 20,000 men, the arrangement would be an excellent one for the Commonwealth. The men forming such a

Force need not be permanently employed - they would merely require to be enrolled for that special purpose. But if they were permanently employed, ample work could be found for them in drilling and instructing our partially paid Forces. Under such an arrangement, it would not be necessary, in time of national emergency, to enlist raw recruits who have to be instructed in military duties until they become efficient. Instead, we should have the nucleus of a thoroughly capable fighting Force. We must all recognise that considerable delay has been experienced in despatching our first Expeditionary Force overseas. But every provision must be made for its safe convoy, and that consideration may possibly be the cause of that delay.

Senator Maughan - They may not have as great a distance to go as the honorable senator thinks.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - We anticipate that they are going to the Old Country, in order to take part in the war on the Continent. We are all gratified to learn that our Naval Expeditionary Force, of 1,500 men, has performed valuable work in the Pacific. One matter which struck me very forcibly in the Governor-General's Speech has reference to finance. The Vice-Regal utterance contains no hint as to how the expenditure on our Expeditionary Forces is to be met. Unfortunately, our revenue during the last twelve months has declined, while our expenditure has increased. The Government, therefore, should have been prepared to give us some indication of the way in which they propose to finance the raising and despatch of our Expeditionary Forces, as well as the ordinary business of the country, with which they talk of proceeding just as if no war were in progress. I have heard it whispered that the expenditure incurred upon our Expeditionary Forces will be defrayed by a special tax upon* the community. It has also been suggested that it will be met by a loan, or by the issue of paper money.

Senator Story - Which method does the honorable senator prefer?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I will answer that question presently. The point which we have to consider is: "What special expenditure are we likely to incur?" It has been estimated that we shall require to spend £9,000,000^ or £10,000,000 in this connexion during the next twelve months. That would represent a very heavy tax indeed. We have also to recollect that it is necessary to continue a vigorous policy of public works, in order to prevent the aggregation of unemployment in our midst. The Prime Minister talks about unifying the railway gauges of Australia, and suggests an expenditure of £30,000,000. on the work of unifying the main line between Brisbane and Melbourne. Then the Kalgoorlie to Port Augusta railway is in course of construction. That is one of the fixed charges which we have to meet, and the sooner the undertaking is completed the batter.

Senator Henderson - Are we not busy with it now ?

Senator ALBERT GOULD (NEW SOUTH WALES) -Colonel Sir ALBERTGOULD. - I believe that we are. It seems almost impossible to finance our obligations in connexion with the war, by means of additional taxation. Are we, then, to raise loans for the purpose, or are we to issue a large quantity of paper money ? I have heard both alternatives suggested. If we are going to establish a paper currency it must be either a convertible or an inconvertible currency. A convertible currency presupposes the possession of sufficient gold to redeem the notes as they are presented from time to time. If, on the other hand, we are to establish an inconvertible currency we must pause to consider what will be its effect upon the people of this country and upon industry generally. We have only to look to other portions of the world to ascertain that. We know that at the time of the war in America it was decided to finance that war by means of a paper currency. The issue of $150,000,000 of a paper currency was approved, and it was quickly followed by a further issue to a similar amount. That currency became less valuable from time to time until it was not worth more than 50 per cent, of its face value.

Senator Findley - Because the Government of the United States repudiated it.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - They repudiated it because they were not bound to redeem the notes with gold. That is the disadvantage attaching to an inconvertible currency.

Senator Maughan - It did not arrest the progress of the States.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I venture to say that when a paper currency is reduced in value by at least 50 per cent. - a currency which people have to accept - it must materially7 interfere with the progress of the community.

Senator Stewart - The Government of the United States would not take its own money, and yet it endeavoured to force it on the people.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - And with an inconvertible currency, does the honorable senator say that we should be able to pay every penny as it became due ? I. would also remind him that any paper currency would be valueless outside the boundaries of the Commonwealth. Now we have to import goods from Great Britain and other portions of the world, and we must be in the position to pay for them.

Senator Guthrie - We should make ourselves self-contained.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - We shall have to import. If we have a currency which is not convertible we shall surely drive gold out of the country to pay for the goods which have to come into it. We buy our goods in one part of the world, and, as a rule, we pay for them by the goods we send there, but we cannot have it all on one side only, and therefore we would find ourselves in a very great difficulty with regard to a currency of that character. When we were debating the question of the Commonwealth note issue a great deal of stress was laid on the necessity of having a certain reserve always available to redeem the notes. The reserve was fixed in the first instance at 40 per cent. It has since been reduced to 25 per cent.

Senator Mullan - Although the Act has been altered, the reserve has not been reduced.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - -The reserve remains at about the old amount, but Parliament passed an Act to enable the Treasurer, if he sees fit, to reduce it to 25 per cent. However desirable the Treasurer might think it to take advantage of that Act, he would always have to keep a considerably greater reserve than 25 per cent, in order that he should never go below his minimum. It has been recognised all through that it has been necessary to have a substantial reserve. Do the Government propose to say that they are not going to redeem their paper money? If they repudiate that provision in their law, and tell people who present their notes at the Treasury that they cannot get gold in exchange for them, it will certainly not add to the value of the notes. Once the public got the idea that any such policy was going to be pursued, it would depreciate the value of the notes materially, and it would be much worse if the Government determined to issue an excessive amount of notes. If the financial difficulty is to be met by the Government by this means they will have to issue an excessive amount of paper money to meet their engagements during the period of the war. The normal absorption of notes by the community is small. According to the latest returns, about £14,000,000 worth of notes were issued, for which the Government received 14,000,000 sovereigns, but not more than between £4,000,000 and £5,000,000 of the notes are in circulation at any given moment. Of course, there are reasons which make it necessary for a large amount of notes to be held in excess of the quantity in circulation, but the country cannot absorb more than a certain amount, and if there is a desire on the part of the Government to finance the present emergency by means of an inconvertible currency they will by that means depreciate the value of their notes, and materially interfere with the progress of the people, because such a policy will have a tendency to impoverish the country generally by interfering with the healthy gold standard. I hope the Government will not adopt this course. It has not been resorted to in Great Britain to finance the enormous expenditure which the Imperial Government has to face in connexion with the war. They are issuing Treasury -bills from time to time, and I do not see why our Government should not adopt a similar course. Why not go to the Imperial people, and put a loan on the market there? Money is to be obtained at a fair and reasonable rate, and by that means the burden on our own people would be eased, and we should be able to meet all our obligations,1 while retaining our gold standard.

Senator Maughan - Does not the honorable senator think that the issue of Treasury-bills is dangerously socialistic?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - We are justified in dealing with the present financial emergency by the issue of Treasury-bills, which are merely short-dated loans for which you pay probably a higher rate of interest than you would for ordinary long-dated debentures. People will be content to take our bonds, knowing that they have a very rich Commonwealth at the back of them. There are four cardinal points in connexion with a paper currency, which I recommend the Government to consider before they decide to extend our present one, as they may be inclined to do.

Senator Long - They have many good British precedents for it. The honorable member will remember when Peel suspended cash payments for three years.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - Such things have been done, and serious results have invariably followed, so far as the people are concerned. The four principles that should always be borne in mind in connexion with the issue of paper money are safety, elasticity, convertibility, and uniformity. The benefit of elasticity is that the issue rises and falls according to the requirements of the country.

Senator Long - Convertibility overshadows all other considerations.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD .- That is so. If I have in my pocket a pound note issued by the Treasury, I want to be sure that I can convert it into a sovereign when I want to. I am satisfied so long as I know the Treasury has a reserve which will meet all reasonable requirements, but if I find myself unable at any time to convert a note into gold, I say to myself, " It is" not as good as I thought it was, and I am not prepared to accept paper money if I can get payment for my goods in gold." I shall not be satisfied to accept payment in paper money which is worth only 17s. or 183. per £1.

Senator Maughan - In 1893 many of the private bank notes were not worth 5s.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - An Act was passed by the Government during that time of crisis compelling the people to accept the notes at their face value, but there was a Government guarantee that payment would be made in due course, and the amount of notes issued to the public was not more than what the public could absorb under ordinary normal conditions of business. The trouble was that, at tEat time, there

Lad been over-speculation, and people found that they had been building up houses of cards. When these began to come down, a run began on one bank, and then on another. We learnt then the lesson that it was incumbent upon the banks to be very careful with regard to the issue of notes, and legislation was introduced to make the notes a first charge on the property of the banks themselves. One would have been prepared to go' even further at that time by limiting the amount that the banks should be able to issue in the way of notes, fixing the limit in accordance with their capital, resources, and power to meet their obligations. All this shows the difficulty that surrounds a currency which cannot be readily converted into sovereigns. When the people in the crisis of 1893 found first one bank and then another going, and there was talk of other banks dosing their doors, they began to say, " This paper money is probably of very little value; therefore, we will rush it in on the banks, and get it converted into (.ash, if possible." The same principle would apply in regard to the issue of paper money by the Government. The only means of safety in that regard is to let the public realize that the notes will be convertible whenever it becomes necessary in the interests of their business to convert them into cash.

Senator Mullan - Then there will not be any great demand made on the Treasury ?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - The credit of a nation is dependent on the power of the nation to pay its obligations in gold whenever they fall due.

Senator Guthrie - What did you do m New South Wales in 1893?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I have just been talking about that matter.

Senator Guthrie - The State Parliament made paper money legal tender.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - The State Government, realizing that there was not more than had been regarded as the normal amount of paper money, said, " Hold your notes for six months, and we will give you a guarantee that everything will come through all right." Everything did come through all right, and, except in the case of one or two banks which got into difficulties, the banks paid every shilling on their notes.

Senator Long - The Commonwealth Bank is guaranteeing private banks and private financiers that everything will be all right.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I venture to say that the Commonwealth Bank is not guaranteeing or assisting a single financial institution in Australia. I say, further, that it is' not in a position at the present time to give a guarantee of the kind. My honorable friends may talk of the Commonwealth Bank, but what is the amount of ite capital? It consists of £1,000,000. which has been borrowed, and deposits which have been placed in its coffers by men in the country who want a place where they think that their money will be absolutely safe.

Senator Long - Its very existence has created confidence.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I assert that the Commonwealth Bank to-day is not helping a single bank in the community in the way in which ' my honorable friends speak of. It has entered into the banking business, and it is but one bank amongst many that are doing business. A man will go to the Commonwealth Bank with just the same confidence as he will go to any other bank.

Senator Long - With more confidence, surely ?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - No.

Senator McDougall - How much money has been put into the Commonwealth Bank since the war commenced ?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I know individuals who win take their money from one private bank and put it in another just as it may suit their purpose or business.

Senator Guthrie - What about persons who put their money into the chartered banks prior to 1893, and cannot get it to-day?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I admit that there were many persons who had their money in banks which closed their doors before any steps were taken to assist banking institutions.

Senator Guthrie - I refer to banks which never closed their doors.-

Senator ALBERT GOULD (NEW SOUTH WALES) -Colonel Sir ALBERTGOULD. - Any note issued by a bank which has remained in. existence has been good and valid for twenty years.

Senator Guthrie - What about the fixed deposits?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - That was a matter of arrangement between the creditors and the banks at the time.

Senator Guthrie - The banks took the money.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I admit that, at that time, we had a very serious crisis.

Senator Guthrie - Have we not one now ?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - Yes; but we have to deal with these matters in the light of experience, and not to act like blind men, running away and putting our heads in holes and thickets, such as other men have done, only to find ruin1 staring us in the face.

Senator Long - Do you not believe that the crisis would have been much more severe if the Commonwealth Bank had not been in existence?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - No. Since the crisis of 1893 there has not been a difficulty in regard to any of the banks, and I remind my honorable friends that even Government banks have had to close their doors for a time. I do not think that any one can point out to me any other bank in existence to-day which is run on exactly the. same lines as is the Commonwealth Bank. But, be that as it may, I make these remarks because I think that these words of warning might just as well be uttered at the present time as held back until, possibly, some indication of the difficulties to which I have referred comes before us. I would impress upon, the Government that there is a very much better way of financing, the war business than with paper, which may be inconvertible, and which probably will be depreciated in value. I remind honorable senators that the only persons who are compelled to accept these notes are the vendors of goods, although some of the goods may have been imported from the other end of the world, and paid for in gold. Now, if the goods have had to be paid for in gold, and the paper currency begins to depreciate, the public may depend upon it that they will have to pay higher prices for the articles than would be payable if we had a gold standard or a paper currency which was convertible whenever it was presented to the

Treasury, because the whole secret of the confidence of the people in paper money is that the paper is as good as gold, and will be redeemed whenever the necessity arises. While that is the case there will be no difficulty experienced. In regard to taxation we hear frequent references to the old sayings about putting taxes upon the people who are best able to bear them. Senator Stewart is very anxious to see the land value tax considerably increased. The persons who are best off are naturally those who are called upon in the first instance to pay taxation, but honorable senators must bear in mind that no man pays a tax without getting a return of it in the long run if it is possible to pass it on to somebody else. If a tax is levied on the value of goods the public have to pay a bigger price for the goods. Again, if a tax is imposed on the rental value of property, the people have to pay a bigger price for what they require, because it is the duty of n business man, in his own interests, to see that he gets an adequate profit on his outlay.

Senator Mullan - That argument does not apply to land.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - It does. Take, for instance, any of the great city stores which stand on sites worth £100,000 or £200,000. These storekeepers have tq pay a large amount by way of land tax, and does the honorable senator mean to tell me that that fact is not taken into consideration in fixing the standard of value of the goods sold in the stores? Whatever my honorable friends may do in this regard, they will find that to a certain extent the taxation will be passed on from time to time.

Senator Guthrie - Do you reckon that we ought to have no taxes?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I dare say that we would all like to be able to live without paying any taxes, but I certainly do not make a 'suggestion of that kind.

Senator Guthrie - How would you raise the revenue?

Senator Ready - I suppose by duties on tea and kerosene.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - We have to raise the revenue from some source. Of course, a- man who would say that we should not place a tax on anything should not be in Parliament-

Senator Mullan - What do you suggest?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - The Government are the responsible persons, and when they make their suggestion I will criticise it if necessary. In the meantime, I bring before honorable senators two or three broad considerations in connexion with the present emergency - the expenditure on the Expeditionary Forces and the maintenance of those Forces.

Senator Ready - The honorable senator is arguing that we should not tax the rich at all, because they can pass the tax on to the poor, is that it ?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I am very sorry that the honorable senator cannot quite grasp my meaning. I do not think that, if I were to talk until the close of this sitting, I could make my meaning sufficiently clear to him, because none are so dense as those who do not want to understand. Of course, I do not impute anything to my honorable friend. The GovernorGene.ral's Speech enumerates an enormous number of proposals which the Government desire to see carried into effect. In point of fact, the window dressing is pretty strong', because nearly everything which the Government have been advocating during the last few years finds a place in the scheme of work for the session.

Senator O'Keefe - The Government will deliver the goods. It is not a case of window dressing.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - It is window dressing at the present time. There are, of course, several matters which are common to both parties. It was very strongly urged at the recent election that this was to be a financial and war session. No one imagined that a large number of proposals of a controversial nature were to be considered, but honorable senators will find in the Governor-General's Speech many matters which are of a very highly, controversial nature, and which must necessarily be discussed very fully. We are told that proposals to- amend the Constitution will be placed before the people at an early date. I understand these to be the referenda proposals which have had two unsuccessful runs already, and which it is proposed to submit for the third time to see if by any means the people can be hoodwinked into accepting them.

Senator O'Keefe - Were you not going to agree to your leader's proposition to put certain questions before the people at an early date if he obtained power?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD .- The leader of the Liberal party said, over and over again, that, wherever it became necessary to amend the Constitution in order to carry out the powers granted to this Parliament, he was quite prepared to assist in passing such an amendment; but the proposals I have been referring to are such as would practically destroy the autonomy of the States, and these we are not prepared to accept.

Senator O'Keefe - My point is that your leader said that he intended to submit proposals for altering the Constitution if he were returned with a majority in both Houses.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - Yes, of the character I have indicated by my last few observations.

Senator O'Keefe - Our Government will submit them.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - The Labour Government will submit proposals of a much more drastic character, for they will destroy the autonomy of the States. In the desire to bring about a state of uniformity with regard to legislation, and to have a unified form of government, instead of the Federal form-

Senator Mullan - When your Government tried to destroy the Senate, you did more towards bringing about unification than anything else did.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - We have not destroyed the power of the Senate. There is another question which must necessarily provoke long discussion, and .that is the question of the initiative and the referendum. I do not wish to discuss the value of this proposal. I only want to point out that it is a matter of very great concern, which necessarily will . provoke a great deal of debate. We are told that one of the first proposals to be introduced, apart from the war proposals, will be an alteration of the Tariff. We have fought the question of Free Trade or Protection more than once in Australia, in the country, and in the Parliament. We realize that the people have accepted a Protectionist Tariff, and we also realize that there have been promises made that the Tariff - which, of course, contains an enormous number of anomalies - will be rectified, and rectified in accordance with the policy accepted by the people. The only difference between the two parties at present is that one proposes to deal with this matter in the light of knowledge, and the other in the light, not of knowledge, but of prejudice. Tariff Bills have been passed over and over again in this and in other Parliaments and we know that it is the most expert lobbyist who has had the best chance of securing what he desired in the way either of the increase or reduction of duties ; whilst men who might have had very much better cases have had to go to the wall because they have not been expert at lobbying. The late Government did not in any way try to shirk the question of a revision of the Tariff, but they adopted the wise course of asking the Inter-State Commission to make an inquiry and to report upon the matter.

Senator Guthrie - To inquire from lobbyists.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - No; from every man who chose to appear before them and give evidence on oath in connexion with the duties with which he was concerned. I venture to say that a great deal of the evidence which has been obtained on oath by the Inter-State Commission in connexion with the Tariff could not have been obtained in any other circumstance. While it has shown that in some cases an increase in the duties appears to be necessary, in other cases the increased duties demanded have not been justified by the evidence given in support of them. Whatever our policy in this regard may be, we are agreed that the Tariff should be fair and equitable in its bearing upon the interest of all concerned in production.

Senator Russell - Australia wants a Tariff this generation, and not in the next.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I am aware of that; but I still say that it is better that the Tariff should be revised in the light of knowledgeand experience.

Senator Guthrie - Did we not have a Commission on the Tariff before, the members of which took evidence on oath ?

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - We had; but the Royal Commission to which the honorable senator refers had not the same power and weight as has the Inter-State Commission. The Tariff Commission consisted of fourFree Traders and four Protectionists, and each member of it sought to make out as good a case as hecould for the policy he supported. In the Inter-State Commission we have a body composed of men entirely free from party interests or bias, and sworn to make a faithful report upon the evidence brought before them. I have every confidence in the report they will make, and though I do not say that Parliament should be guided entirely by their report, I do contend that it would be wiser and fairer to delay the consideration of Tariff revision until we have received the report of the Inter-State Commission, which ought to be available at no very distant date. I trust that it will be available before we are called upon to deal with the Tariff, and if it is I shall then have no objection to offer to our going on with a revision of the Tariff,although there is a great deal of other work of a very urgent character which should? be proceeded with.

Senator Guthrie - Nothing is more important than are the industries of the country.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I do not deny that. I am as anxious as the most rabid Protectionist in the community to see the industries of this country prosper. I do not propose to occupy much more of the time of honorable senators. The observations I have made have been extended by interjections. I hope that the Government wilt give such consideration to the important question of financing the country that we shall have no cause later to regret what has been done, and no one will be better pleased than I should their efforts be followed by a successful result. So far as the war is concerned, we realize that practically the whole of the people of the country are at one, and are agreed that we are at least as much concerned in this great struggle as are the people of the Old World. The danger is as imminent to Australia as it is to Great Britain or any of the other nations involved in the war. Affairs have developed in such a way that we now realize that the war must be a fight to a finish, and must result in the practical wiping out of the German nation as it at present exists, or the destruction of the British, French, and Belgian nations. Doubtless the struggle will last a long time, and must be prosecuted determinedly and energetically. Though it may be said that it was not expected by Germany that Great Britain would be involved in the war at the present time, that is not because there was no idea of involving Great Britain in war with that country.' Germany's policy in the matter was to settle her difficulties with France first, and afterwards to devote her attention to Great Britain. If honorable senators will read some of the documents which appear in the White Paper recently published, they will find that from the time of the introduction of the Naval Bill in 1900, there was a clearly-expressed determination by the German people that Germany should be the great naval power of the world. Germany believed herself to be a great military power, able to exercise whatever control she might think fit on the Continent of Europe, but she was determined also to become the great naval power of the world, and that involved the destruction of the naval power of the British Empire.

Senator Guthrie - The honorable senator's party augmented that naval power.

Senator Lt Colonel Sir ALBERT GOULD - I have often deprecated the assistance given by many of our people to foreign Powers, which might reasonably and properly have been retained for the benefit of our own nation. I hope that the present war will, in this regard, be such a lesson to the people of Australia and the Empire that similar assistance will not, in future, be given to foreign Powers. Whatever may be the outcome, we are engaged in a stupendous conflict, and if Great Britain were to go down and Australia become a portion of the prize of Germany, our freedom and all our free institutions would be placed under the iron heel of people who would regard themselves as conquerors of the world, and not as people coming here to assist us to build up a great nation in Australia. I trust that our legislation in this Parliament will be for the advantage of the community in the long run, whether we are able to carry into effect our own particular views or not. Honorable senators opposite may rely on those on this side to assist them on every occasion in doing what may be best for the defence of the country, and the assistance and defence of the Empire generally.

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