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Friday, 8 May 1970

Mr WENTWORTH (MackellarMinister for Social Services) (Minister for Social Services) - Mr Deputy Speaker-

Mr Calwell - The House has wasted the whole day in wordy repetition. I therefore move:

That the question be now put. Question resolved in the negative.

Mr WENTWORTH - The Opposition and the honourable member for Hughes (Mr Les Johnson), who just resumed his seat, need not .have any idea in their minds that the speech in Tokyo of the Prime Minister (Mr Gorton) evidences any change of mind by himself or change of the Government's attitude because what he said in Tokyo repeats and emphasises what has been said here. Of course we want peace in Vietnam. Of course we want peace in Indo-China. Of course we want peace in Cambodia. Of course we think that foreign troops should "be withdrawn from Cambodia, but we do not think that they should be withdrawn unilaterally. At present Cambodia is the victim of Communist aggression. The Vietcong are sweeping down towards the capital. Is it suggested that it would be just for us to get out and for the Communist enemy not to get out? Should we abandon this other small country to the mercies of the Communists? Of course not. What the Prime Minister said - and I am glad to see that the Opposition is supporting it - is that we do want peace but that we do not want a unilateral withdrawal which could help only the cause of Communism.

Honourable members opposite have said, very justly, that many of the people - indeed most of the people - associated with the Vietnam Moratorium Campaign are not Communists. I agree with that, but I assert that this Moratorium Campaign is a Communist stunt into which a lot of well meaning people who do not know what it is all about have been innocently sucked. I think this is something which stands on the record and which can be proved easily. One has to look only at the origins of this Moratorium Campaign to see that it is part of a long succession of stunts such as the Stockholm conferences, world peace councils and the Association for International Co-operation and Disarmament. The organisers, not just the Communists, are the same throughout. The organisations are the same throughout. This stands on the record. There is no doubt whatever about that. In New South Wales 7 or 8 years ago the Australian Labor Party declared, on ample evidence, that these peace fronts were Communist fronts. So they were and are. Today the British Labour Party describes them as Communist fronts. Here the Communists have got inside the Labor Party and have turned the policy and organisation of the Labor Party around; the Communists are inside the Labor Party, so that the Labor Party has changed from its old stand. This is a measure of the Communist victory. It is a measure of the Communist triumph.

A large number of people - I would say the vast majority of people - supporting this Moratorium are not Communists. They have been cleverly shepherded by a Communist advertising campaign which has been conducted over the years and in which the Labor Party has co-operated - I say to its shame - and has helped the Communists to mislead the public. The honourable member for Lalor (Dr Cairns) has been doing this for years. It was not very long ago that the right wing of the Labor Party would have nothing to do with his campaign but now the right wing of the Labor Party has been brought round. [Quorum formed.] There is ample proof that this Moratorium was made in Moscow and exported via the United States of America.

There are honourable members here who upbraid us for slavishly following America. The very name and organisation of the Moratorium is copied from an American model which, as I have said, was itself manufactured in Moscow and taken to America. It was not very long' ago that honourable members on the opposite side of the House would become indignant at what they called the smear of associating with Communism. The honourable member for Grayndler (Mr Daly) who is not always up to date in these matters - I think he lives in the past a little - only yesterday was talking about the smear of saying that the Labor Party associated with Communists. This is not a smear; this is fact, and everybody can now acknowledge it to be fact. It is proof. What has been happening inside this House and what has been happening outside this House is clear and absolute proof of the close interlocking between the Communists and the ALP machine. So do not let us talk about this so-called smear. It is simply a statement of fact that there is co-operation between the ALP and the Communist Party.

The Communists have used the ALP in a way which Lenin himself laid down, as T am sure some honourable members opposite would know very well. I am indebted to the honourable member for Evans (Dr Mackay) who was quoting Lenin's dictum on this matter in 'Left Wing Communism'. Lenin said to use the parliamentary machine; use the Labor Party. I shall quote exactly what Lenin said. Dealing with how the right wing of the Labor Party would try to keep the Communists out of trade unions Lenin said:

We must be able to withstand all this, to agree to all and every sacrifice, and even - if need be - to resort to various stratagems, artifices, illegal methods, to evasions and subterfuges only so as to get into the trade unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work within them at all costs.

This is the way in which the Communists have succeeded in getting inside the soul of the Labor Party and converting Labor Party policy to their own use. Anyone who wants any proof at all of the way in which the Communists have masterminded and controlled this Moratorium agitation which, as I have said, has involved a lot of innocent people, should look at the 'Tribune' of Wednesday, 22nd April. Most of it is devoted to the details of how the Moratorium is to be organised: The Communists know these details because they themselves are making the arrangements. The honourable member for Farrer (Mr Fairbairn) quoted the names of a few of the Communists who are in this. These are the open Communists, the people who are publicly known as Communists, but there are a large number of undercover Communists who are doing their work without revealing themselves as Communists, and it is necessary that people should be on their guard against them. There is one thing that has to be said in regard to this - and I am going to quote from the Tribune* of 22nd April, a couple of weeks ago. It put forward, for use in this Moratorium Campaign, the Leninist tactic of revolutionary defeatism. It says:

Today, when the characterisation of the American-Australian war in Vietnam as 'unjust', aggressive1 and 'imperialist' has been widely accepted here, Lenin's view of an imperialist war should be more widely known.

The 'Tribune' then goes on to quote from Lenin, and here it states the tactics which the Communists are prescribing for this Moratorium Campaign. It says, quoting Lenin:

During a reactionary war a revolutionary class cannot but desire the defeat of its government . . Wartime revolutionary action against one's own government indubitably means not only desiring its defeat but really facilitating such a defeat. An understanding of a revolutionary action even in a single country, to say nothing of a number of countries, can be achieved only by the force of the example of serious revolutionary action, by launching such action and developing it. However, such action cannot be launched without desiring the defeat of the government, and without contributing to such a defeat. The conversion of the imperialist war into a civil war cannot be 'made', any more than a revolution can be 'made'. It develops out of a number of diverse phenomena, aspects, features, characteristics and consequences of the imperialist war. That development is impossible without a series of military reverses and defeates of governments that receive blows from their own oppressed classes.

This is the Leninist prescription, and the House will see, if it looks back at the history of the Moratorium Campaign, that this is the history of the Moratorium itself, this is the prescription for the Moratorium. What the people taking part in the Moratorium have been asking for without realising quite what they have been asking for has been unilateral withdrawal so that we would be defeated. They have been asking for disorders - they call it civil disobedience - so that the revolutionary situation could be developed. There is an exact correspondence with these Leninist tactics. There are some people who will say: 'Well, this is academic - does not matter very much - old hat' and so on. Let them remember the history of revolutionary defeatism and what it has done in Communist hands. It was originally put forward at the start of the First World War, and Lenin furiously denounced those of the comrades who would not join in trying to bring about the defeat of their own countries in war. In 1917 the Germans realised the possibility of this and they sent Lenin in that famous sealed railway carriage across central Europe and into Russia. In 1917 in Russia Lenin organised for the Kaiser the collapse of the Russian front so that in 1918 in France the Germans were able to switch their forces across. At the last moment they almost snatched a victory in the First World War. This is not something which is academic. It is something which nearly changed the whole course of history.

Let us think of what happened from 1939 to 1941. In 1939 Hitler and Stalin were in alliance. The Nazis and the Communists were working together. The alliance was changed only when Hitler turned on his faithful friend, Stalin, in June 1941. Honourable members will perhaps remember the agonised squeals of Molotov, a man who has just died. He said: 'We have done nothing. Russia has been Nazi Germany's faithful friend. Why should they have turned on us like this?' I want to come back to what happened during that period from September 1939, when the war broke out, to June 1941, when Hitler turned on bis friend Stalin. During that time Europe fell entirely under Nazi control. During that time Communist parties in Britain, Australia and France tried to bring about the defeat of their own governments. They tried to impede the war effort. This is a matter of history. It is a matter of shameful history that at that time the left wing of the Labor Party co-operated with the Communists and tried to sabotage our war effort. It is perfectly true that the right wing of the Labor Party- people like Mr Curtin, for example - were not involved in this. If honourable members will look back at history and at what happened at that time they will see the tactics of revolutionary defeatism, the Communist tactics, applied in Australia through the Labor Party - or, I should say, through the left wing of the Labor Party.

Today it has gone further. For the first time the tactics of the Communists are being applied in Australia through the official Labor Party. This is the difference. In those days, in the treason days of 1939- 41, it was only the left wing of the Labor Party that co-operated with the Communists. Today, unfortunately, it has gone further and nearly the whole of the Labor Party - I understand that some 10 or 12 members of the Labor Party are not involved in the Moratorium Campaign - and the official Labor machine are co-operating with the Communists. Do you see, Mr Deputy Speaker, how this has been perverted and diverted? It started off with a call for peace, but this has been developed into a call for a Vietcong victory. Only a couple of days ago in front of Parliament House the Leader of the Opposition addressed and incited a crowd which was meeting under the patronage of Vietcong flags. Those people were not just desiring peace. They were desiring a Vietcong victory and they were carrying Vietcong flags. It may be that the Leader of the Opposition does not himself desire a Vietcong victory. But by his co-operation in this Campaign he has been used and he has now been able to put the Labor Party as a whole behind the Communist Party. This is a very significant and very sinister development.

If you want to know how much this Moratorium is, in point of fact, a Communist stunt, have a look at its one.sidedness. If you wanted peace, would you not be addressing your appeals to both sides? Look not just at the Moratorium Campaign itself but at its predecessors - the Association for International Cooperation and Disarmament and so on - and see what they did. What happens when Tibet is invaded by the Communists? There is a deafening silence. What happens when Russia walks into Czechoslovakia? There are token protests, perhaps, but no marches in the streets - nothing like that.

What happened a couple of weeks ago when the Vietcong invaded Cambodia? It was not their first invasion of Cambodia, because for years they had had military installations established in Cambodia. When the Vietcong invaded Cambodia a couple of weeks ago, where were these Moratorium fighters for peace? There was not a word out of them. So you can see that this is one-sided. The innocent people who are emotionally caught up in this Moratorium probably do not realise what they have been let in for. They probably do not understand what has been done to them.

They may say: 'Look, it is our business to protest against our own troops. It is our business to denounce what our troops are doing, not what the enemy's troops are doing'. If they say that, how can they associate with the peace movement as they do, because the peace movement has very strong organisational links with Moscow and, in point of fact, it boasts of having a large number of Moscow supporters. What happens there? Is there any agitation in Moscow from this peace front, protesting against the use of Soviet troops in those theatres? Not for a moment. They are the very theatres that our own peace figters find so objectionable.

Mr Cohen - There are no Russian troops in Vietnam.

Mr WENTWORTH - No, but there are plenty of Communist troops there. Where is the protest from the peace movement in Hanoi? The peace movement is said to be very strong in Hanoi, but there is no protest against the Vietcong there. It is not allowed. Where was the protest on Czechoslovakia? It was not allowed. The few people who raised their voices, as honourable members opposite know very well, went into prison in Moscow. There is a one-sidedness about this. The fact that it is one-sided shows that here we have the development of the Leninist tactics of revolutionary defeatism - of bringing about the defeat of your own government in war. That is what the Communists are told to do.

Mr Daly - Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise to order. I draw your attention to the fact that while a Minister of the Government is speaking members of the Country Party, including the Acting Prime Minister are holding a party meeting on the other side of the chamber.

Mr DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Lucock - Order! There is no substance in the point of order. The honourable member will resume his seat.

Mr Foster - Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise to order-

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