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Tonight on the 7.30 Report - mad, bad, or both? Inside the eccentric world strongman Colonel
Gaddafi.

The human rights abuse that occur in Libya are without parallel.

He does like the ladies. He chooses to have female bodyguards because he believes that they are
stronger than men.

And the fallout from football's latest scandal. The AFL player agent and the 17-year-old girl.

I have a video of him just in his underwear.

We need to look at the women involved in these situations.

Libyan turmoil escalates

The protests sweeping through the Arab world have spread to Libya. In the most serious challenge
yet to more than 40 years of rule by one of the world's most eccentric dictators, President
Gaddafi. There been shot during protests in the city of Benghazi and there have also been clashes
in the capital, Tripoli. However, regional regional experts are warning that Gaddafi's over the
army and the media mean the strongman may be able to ride out the wave of dissent that brought down
rulers in Egypt and Tunisia. Shortly we'll hear from the Foreign Affairs Minister Kevin Rudd, but
first, this report from Conor Duffy. This is what Libyans are seeing on their television. Images of
adoring supporters chanting for their long-serving leader, with almost religious fervour and
devotion. But the Internet is full full of pictures of people in open revolt, on the streets of
Libya's two largest cities. The news trickling out of this closed country is impossible to verify.
But it seems efforts to oust Gaddafi are coming at oust Gaddafi are coming at a terrible human
cost.

There are like plenty of them, maybe more than 200, I'm not sure about the great number. All the
hospitals are force - full of dead bodies. Even the fridges are are full. We use some schools next
to next to Jeddah hospital. They empty them and they report from Jeddah hospital because of, you
know, a full came yesterday.

We've had 14 deaths in Tripoli. 84 in Benghazi so we see the mass media exaggerating. People from
outside Libya, with coordination from channels, talk as if they were in Libya. Mass

Mass protests have already forced out long serving autocrats serving autocrats in Egypt to the east
and Tunisia to the west. The speed and determination of the protests shocked observers, and the
fact they've now spread to Libya with its record for repression matched Arabia is even more
surprising.

Awful. Poor. Terrible. Perhaps one of the worst in the Middle East. worst in the Middle Ea
Gaddafi's very much a strongman, very much a powerful dictator. And you know, the human rights
abuses that occur in in Libya are without parallel.

The threat to the regime is serious enough that Gaddafi's son and anointed heir appeared on
television, warning the protesters to return

could cause civil war and we will repeat the civil war of 1936. Libya is not Tunisia or Egypt.
Libya has got oil, which has united the whole of Libya and this is one of reasons Libya was united.

Since seizing power 42 years ago, Gaddafi developed a cult of personality and has ruled Libya with
an iron fist ever since.

Gaddafi came to power in 1969 in a coup, a military coup. The and some military officers got
together, denounceed that the monarchy was over, put the Crown Prince under house arrest and that
was it.

A nationalist with social gist with social gist tendencies, Gaddafi soon earnt the ire of the west.
A number the west. A number of bombings and assassinations in Europe led to US President Ronald
Reagan sending in jets to bomb Gaddafi's palace in Tripoli in 1986. When Gaddafi was blamed for the
Lockerbie bombing in Scotland in 1987, which killed 270 people, he became public enemy No. 1.

He certainly was. Reagan had sort of a personal fixation on Gaddafi, called him the mad the mad dog
of the Middle East and said it was full of misfits and loony tunes, the greatest number since the
third like. He sort of was the enemy No. 1, right up until sort of 1991 and Saddam kind of eclipsed
Gaddafi.

Gaddafi was frozen out of world affairs, but still enjoyed a remarkably high profile. His
flamboyant outfits have been chronicled Fair' and he became famous for his troupe of female
bodyguards.

He does like the ladies. He chooses to have female bodyguards because he believes they are stronger
than men, that they can stand in the hot sun in a parade and protect him.

Libya's 20 years of isolation ended with a desert meeting in his Bedouin tent with then British
Prime Minister Tony to pay reparations to the families of the Lockerbie victims, gave up his plans
to acquire weapons of mass destruction, and was soon welcomed in from the cold by a series of
western leaders. However, his recent bloody crackdowns again have governments around the world
condemns his regime.

We want to make clear to the Libyan government that just because there aren't television cameras
present at the scenes that are going on in Libya, that does not mean that the world is not
watching, that the world is going to ignore the way in which protesters and demonstrators are
treated.

And even without foreign media, that's beginning to become clear. Late today, grainy, shaky
pictures were posted on YouTube, which protesters claim show them throwing rocks at a sniper.
Underscoring the difficulty of getting their message to the outside world. In contrast, the
government released professionally shot material of a pro-Gaddafi control of information and the
military mean protesters still have a major task to break his stranglehold on power.

If Gaddafi can ride out the next 10 days, the prot testing will seize, as the body count piles up,
it will discourage further protests. So the next 5 to 10

Rudd on Middle East unrest

Rudd on Middle East unrest

Broadcast: 21/02/2011

Reporter:

Foreign Affairs Minister Kevin Rudd joins the program to discuss the wave of dissent sweeping
through the Middle East and North Africa.

Transcript

HEATHER EWART, PRESENTER: A short time ago I recorded this interview with the Minister for Foreign
Affairs Kevin Rudd here in our Parliament House studio.

Kevin Rudd, what's the latest information you're getting from Libya? Is it a bloodbath?

KEVIN RUDD, FOREIGN MINISTER: It's very bad. Not only have we had deaths in excess of 200 in and
around Benghazi, but we've also had what can only be described as a threatening public performance
by the son of Colonel Gaddafi, Saif Gaddafi. And essentially the threat, if you read the text of
his remarks carefully, is that, sure, there'll be some dialogue on more democratic reforms if
people get off the streets, but if they don't get off the streets, watch out. And if we've seen the
lethal force deployed by Libya so far, this is a frightening prospect. That's why the international
community has rallied today in absolute condemnation of these measures from the Gaddafi regime.
This is beyond the pale.

HEATHER EWART: So, do you have any sense that Gaddafi could go the same way as Hosni Mubarak in
Egypt recently or is it a very different situation?

KEVIN RUDD: The truth is right across the Arab world the political differences, the cultural
differences, the institutional differences are vast. But in Libya, let's just face facts: if you've
got a 40-year-long reign held together by the authoritarian powers which have been wielded by it in
the past, despite recent changes in direction, for example, Libya's profile on international
terrorism and its profile on weapons of mass destruction, for example. If - for the domestic
population of Libya, I doubt whether there is mass satisfaction with the extent to which reforms
have occurred. But, the countervailing factor, like we've seen in Iran, is this brutal preparedness
to deploy massive lethal force against student protests or popular protests.

HEATHER EWART: Did the CIA and other intelligence agencies, including ours, see this coming; and if
not, why not?

KEVIN RUDD: Well, Heather, you know what the convention is; we never discuss the contents of
intelligence information, either our own or that which we share with partners around the world.

Let me answer your question a different way. I think more broadly analysts failed to grasp the
depth of the social movement that was underway in the Arab world. Let's just be blunt about it. And
to be fair to those who work professionally in this area, it's always difficult to get a handle on
what's happening in the proverbial Arab street, when you've got not just a huge youth demographic,
for example in Egypt, but the proliferation now of new social media communications, which enable
the turbo-charging of social movements. But even in the absence of that, 20 years ago most of the
analytical community, for example, got it wrong when it came to Tiananmen in China.

And so let's just be clear about this: the challenge now, given the new realities, is how do we
support the interim Egyptian government and the Egyptian people in what is going to be a very
difficult process of transition between now and the end of the year?

HEATHER EWART: Because of course it's not just Libya; there's a wave of pro-democracy protests
going on throughout this region. Is it possible that the results could not always be what the
Western world wants?

KEVIN RUDD: Well, entirely. I made some remarks on this in the Australian Parliament today. We
welcome and celebrate the cry for freedom, and it's real. Young people in these countries want to
have the same freedom of expression that we are enjoying on this television program right now, and
to have that reflected in their political processes formally as well. But on the other hand, what
you also face is some genuine concerns. For example, if democratic processes are used and abused by
effectively non-democratic forces, then obtain power and then roll back the freedoms which have
been so secured, we have a problem. Look at the Iranian regime as the classic case study.

So, why do I say this? It's imperative that we in the international community work to support
Egypt, the biggest state in the region, with practical areas of assistance, food security, various
job programs, as well as other forms of practical help, and it's a critical year ahead. If it goes
wrong, it could go really wrong.

HEATHER EWART: Mr Rudd, just moving on to another area: yet another Australian soldier killed in
Afghanistan. You were reported in WikiLeaks last year that you told US politicians you were scared
as hell about an unwinnable war. Are you more scared as hell than ever?

KEVIN RUDD: Well, Heather, I've never discussed the content or the accuracy of anything that has
been reported through WikiLeaks and that's been my consistent practice from the beginning.

But on the broader question of Afghanistan, I think both myself as Prime Minister and Prime
Minister Gillard have been very frank about the risks our men and women in uniform have faced right
from the beginning. We've all been there a lot. We've spoken to our troops on the ground a lot.
This is a difficult and dangerous environment. I wish I could say this was the last fatality. I
fear it won't be, because these are very, very tough conditions.

The other thing I'd say thought is that in the last year or two, the fact that the International
Security Assistance Forces have finally integrated an effective political, military and economic
strategy to transition the country for handing over security responsibilities to the Afghan forces
by 2014, that is coming together.

HEATHER EWART: And finally to internal ALP matters, why do you think the ALP should release the
results of a review into what went wrong at the last election, including elements of what perhaps
went wrong with your Prime Ministership? Is that a bit risky for you?

KEVIN RUDD: I just think it's transparency. I think it was a fairly public airing of some of these
things in the middle of last year, and so I don't see the problem. The Australian people also have
an interest in these things. I think members of the Australian Labor Party have an interest in
these things. The key thing is not to rake over the coals of the past so much, it's actually to
learn from all that from the future. And as you know, one of the things I have argued is for the
future we need to move beyond a party which is dominated by factional power. And our party members,
rank and file, as well as members of Parliament, need to know that they can stand up for themselves
without fear of factional intimidation, left, right, Callithumpian, whatever. I think that's what
the Australian people would like as well.

HEATHER EWART: Well on that note, you'd be aware of images televised of the Australian Workers'
Union national conference in Queensland last week ...

KEVIN RUDD: I've heard of them, Heather.

HEATHER EWART: ... where the leadership was openly condemning a Government minister. Should that be
the modern public face of trade unionism?

KEVIN RUDD: Should neither be the modern public face or the private face. I mean, let's face it: I
mean, you've had a Labor government labouring in the fields for some years now, getting rid of
WorkChoices, bringing in the Fair Work Act, acting on superannuation, acting on child care benefits
for working families. I would've thought that ministers working hard, as Dr Emerson is working, and
he's a very good Trade minister, deserved a bit better than that, a bit of respect.

HEATHER EWART: So does the trade union movement and factional powerbrokers for that matter, in your
view, still have too much power in terms of preselections?

KEVIN RUDD: I am a big supporter of the role of the Australian trade union movement. I always have
been. But on factional powerbrokers, I think what people who belong to this very old party of ours
- and I've been a member now for 30 years - want, as do members of Parliament, is their own voice,
free of fear and intimidation from factional leaders.

HEATHER EWART: Mr Rudd, we'll have to leave it there, but thankyou for your time.

KEVIN RUDD: It's been a pleasure.

O'Farrell poised for victory

O'Farrell poised for victory

Broadcast: 21/02/2011

Reporter: Deborah Cornwall

After 16 years in the political wilderness the NSW Liberal Party is set to claim a historic victory
at the state election next month.

Transcript

HEATHER EWART, PRESENTER: After 16 years in the political wilderness, the New South Wales Liberal
Party is now poised for victory in next month's state election, a prospect that's finally turned
the spotlight on the Premier-in-waiting Barry O'Farrell. Until now, the Opposition Leader has been
able to fly under the radar, eclipsed by the seemingly endless scandals, stuff ups and internal
warring that have engulfed the Labor Government in its last four years of office. Deborah Cornwall
reports.

DEBORAH CORNWALL, REPORTER: As NSW cranks up into election mode, there's a surreal quality to the
daily hand-pumping and photo calls. After all, everyone already knows the winner.

BARRY O'FARRELL, NSW OPPOSITION LEADER: After 16 years of the public being promised the world and
delivered nothing, there is clearly promise fatigue in this city, across this state.

DEBORAH CORNWALL: Kristina Keneally, Labor's third premier in three years, is leading the death
march and she's never seemed so alive.

JOURNALIST (Feb. 11): You have people with great certainty such as myself telling you that you are
gonna get dumped. Do you have some sort of Zen secret going here?

KRISTINA KENEALLY, NSW PREMIER: You know, it's my job. This is my job. People don't expect their
Premier to quail under that; they expect their Premier to get up and do her job, and that's what I
do.

DEBORAH CORNWALL: But despite the Premier's considerable personal charm, the latest polls are
flagging catastrophic losses for Labor, leaving it with just 13 seats in a House of 93.

And for the Premier-in-waiting Barry O'Farrell the only real unknown is just how savage Labor's
wipe out will be.

BARRY O'FARRELL: I'm seeking to replicate what's only been done on two previous occasions. In the
history of the Liberal Party, we've only won office in this state from Opposition twice.

IMRE SALUSINZKY, THE AUSTRALIAN: I don't think any of us have ever seen the degree of voter anger
that we're seeing against NSW Labor. It was said that voters were waiting for Paul Keating with
baseball bats on their verandas in 1996. Well they're waiting with, I don't know, flame throwers.

ANTONY GREEN, ABC ELECTION ANALYST: The polls have been indicating a swing of up to 18 per cent at
this election. Now that's twice the size of the swing at any election I've covered with the ABC in
the last two decades. And if it were to occur, then the NSW Labor Party would be reduced to a rump.

DEBORAH CORNWALL: But Labor isn't going down without a fight. In the first round of ads the Premier
delivered an abject apology for her government and its appalling behaviour.

KRISTINA KENEALLY (NSW Labor advertisement): But I understand the Government was too focused on
itself and not focused enough on you. It went off track and I am sorry.

DEBORAH CORNWALL: But in a final desperate attempt to claw back losses, Labor is now fixed on just
one clear target: get Barry.

MICHAEL LEE, NSW LABOR PRESIDENT (Feb. 6): It's almost like Barry's been asleep on the lounge for
so long, no-one's game to wake him up.

DEBORAH CORNWALL: The Premier has taken to daily taunting of the Opposition Leader, casting him as
a man with no vision or policies.

KRISTINA KENEALLY: It's time to move from the reserve to the first grade, Barry. Time to step up.

BARRY O'FARRELL: I'm not surprised that Labor seeks to focus on me because it can't run on its
team. It's a scandal-ridden team. It can't run on its record of non-delivery for 16 years.

DEBORAH CORNWALL: The sniping between the two leaders has at least produced some mildly
entertaining moments for the bored, largely disengaged voters of NSW.

QUENTIN DEMPSTER, JOURNALIST: Would you put the triple A at risk?

BARRY O'FARRELL: No, as I said in the speech, Quentin, so you weren't paying attention either.

QUENTIN DEMPSTER: I know, but ...

BARRY O'FARRELL: As I said in the speech, we will deal responsibly within the triple A ...

KRISTINA KENEALLY: Usually you don't insult the host, Barry, just good ...

BARRY O'FARRELL: It was a joke, Kristina - that's an Australian tradition.

IMRE SALUSINZKY: It's difficult for a big, burly bloke to muscle up to a thin, attractive woman
with a soothing Ohio accent because the optics of it are just not good. And one has to say that
O'Farrell hasn't found his stride in that particular engagement.

QUENTIN DEMPSTER: With the election just weeks away, Barry O'Farrell still remains largely an
unknown quantity to voters. But after years of back-to-back scandals, it has been hard to be heard
above the din.

BARRY O'FARRELL: I think Annabel Crabb once famously said that - in a column that she pitied the
Opposition Leader of NSW because unless he was caught doing something unseemly with a goat, how was
he gonna get publicity? And then she said, "But only if the goat spoke."

IMRE SALUSINZKY: Labor's train wreck has sucked up a lot of his oxygen. We criticise him and Labor
criticises him for not getting a lot of his policies out there, but with ministers falling like
skittles, scandals, sex club, the whole box of dice, people were so mesmerised by this, they really
weren't very interested in his ideas.

BARRY O'FARRELL: I'm concerned about the level of expectation. I'm concerned about the dangers of
complacency. And I'm concerned that Labor will do what it always does. Labor has its back to the
wall. It will do or say anything to try to win this election campaign.

QUENTIN DEMPSTER: On the eve of massive victory, Barry O'Farrell still seems strangely spooked by
the Labor machine. His cautious collaborative style in stark contrast to the posturing
larger-than-life Labor leaders that have hogged the stage for one and a half decades.

But after years of flying under the radar, the Liberal Leader may yet surprise us all.

IMRE SALUSINZKY: He looks benign. He's big, he's friendly, he's easy-going, but he has a very handy
dash of rat cunning to him.

BARRY O'FARRELL: No, there's a difference between being tough and determined and being a bastard
and being political. You don't get elected to leadership positions in political parties,
particularly in this state, when there's a genuine election unless there's an inner toughness.

HEATHER EWART: Deborah Cornwall with that report.

Concerns for girl at centre of AFL sex scandal

about it. We all have questions about to ask about our role in all of it, too.

After 16 years in the political wilderness, the New South Wales Liberal Party is now poised for
victory in next month's State election. A prospect that's finally turned the spotlight on the
premier in premier in waiting Barry O'Farrell. Until now, the Opposition Leader has been able to
fly under the radar. Eclipsed by the seemingly endless scandals, stuff-ups and internal warring
that have engulfed the Labor Government in its last four years of office. As New South Wales pranks
up into election mode there surreal quality to the daily hand pumping and photo calls. After all,
everyone already knows the winner

After 16 years of the public being promised the world and delivered the world and delivered
nothing, there is clearly promise fatigue in this promise fatigue in this society across this
state.

Kristina Keneally, Labor's third premier in three years, death march, and she's never seemed so
alive.

You have people with great certainty such as myself telling you that you are going to get dumped.
Do you have some sort of Zen secret going here?

(Laughter

) You know, it's my job. This is my job. People don't expect their premier to quail under that.
They expect their premier to get up and do their job and that's what I do.

But despite the premier's considerable personal charm latest polls are flagging catastrophic
catastrophic losses for Labor, leaving it with just 13 seats in a House in a House of 93. For the
premier in waiting Barry O'Farrell the only real unknown is just how savage Labor's wipe-out will
be.

I am seeking to replicate what's only been done on two previous occasions. In the history of the
Liberal Party we've only won government twice.

It was said voters were waiting for Paul Keating with baseball baseball bats on their verandahs in
1996. Well, they're waiting with, I don't know, flame throwers.

The polls have indicateed a swing of up to 18%. That's twice of up to 18%. That's twice the size of
the sing in any election I have covered in the last two decades. The New South Wales reduced to a
rump.

But Labor isn't going down without a fight. In the first round of ads the premier delivered an
abject apology for her government government and its appalling behaviour

But I understand the government was too focused on itself, and not focused on you. It went off
track and I am sorry.

But in a final desperate attempt to claw back losses, Labor is now fixed losses, Labor is now fixed
on just one clear target, get Barry.

It's almost like Barry's been been asleep on the lounge for so long, no-one's game to him up.

The premier has taken to daily taunting of the Opposition Leader, casting him as a man with no
vision or policies.

It's from the reserve fots first grade, Barry. Time to step up.

I'm not surprised that Labor seeks to focus on me, because it can't run on its team. It's a scandal
ridden team. It can't run on its record of non-delivery for 16 years.

The sniping between the two leaders has produced some mildly entertaining moments, for the board
largely dis -- bored, largely disengaged voters of New South Wales.

Would you put the AAA at risk?

As I said in the speech, we'll ...

Usually you don't insult the host.

It was a joke. That's an Australian tradition.

It's difficult for a big burly bloke to muscle up to a thin, attractive woman with a soothing Ohio
accent the optics of it are just not good. One has to say that O'Farrell hasn't found his stride in
that particular engagement.

With the election just weeks away, Barry O'Farrell still remains largely an unknown quantity to
voters. But after years of back-to-back scandals, it has been hard to be heard above the din.

I think Annabel Annabel Crabb once famously said Leader of New South Wales, because unless he was
caught doing something unseemly with a goat, how was he going to get publicity? She said but only
if the goat spoke.

We criticised him and Labor criticises him for not getting a lot of his policies out there. But
with ministers falling like skitles, scandals, sex club, the whole box and dice, people were so
mesmerised by this, they really weren't very interested in his ideas.

I'm concerned about the level of expectation, I'm concerned about the dangers of complacency. And
I'm concerned that Labor will do what it always always does. Labor has its back to the wall. It
will do or say anything to try to win this election campaign.

On the

election campaign.

On the eve of massive victory, Barry O'Farrell still seems strangely spooked by the Labor machine.
His cautious collaborative style in stark contrast to the posturing larger than life Labor leaders
that have hogged the stage for 1.5 decades. But after years of flying under the radar, the Liberal
Leader may yet surprise us yet surprise us all.

He

yet surprise us all.

He looks benign, he's big, he is easygoing, but he has a very handy dash of rat kuning to him.

No, there is a difference between being tough and determined. And being a bastard and being
political. You don't get elected to leadership positions in political political parties
particularly political parties particularly in this state when there is a genuine election unless
there is an inner toughness.

And that's the program for tonight. We're back at the same time time tomorrow. For now, goodnight.