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As It Happened -

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(generated from captions) My boyfriend hits me, and reckons it's all OK. then he says he loves me I said no, but he wouldn't stop. our parents, nobody. She won't talk to me, But she should tell someone. and hits me. He goes berserk sometimes that he lashed out at me. And then he says it's my fault you feel so alone. When you've been raped, and if there's any help. You don't know who to talk to an experienced counsellor You can start by talking with

is hidden behind a fence The Tuol Sleng secondary school of the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. in a quiet district It's been empty for almost 30 years, to the agony of a nation. a silent witness were tortured in its classrooms. Thousands of men, women and children

to the city's outskirts and executed. They were then driven in the killing fields of Cambodia, Nearly two million people died lost in less than four years. a quarter of the country's population for this secret genocide. One man above all was responsible to control, He used hunger and terror

did and said, not just what his people even who they loved. but what they wore, where they lived, Pol Pot. Cambodia was closed to the world of his new society. and no true record was filmed the testimony of those who knew him, But drawing on his words and journey to the killing fields. this is the story of Pol Pot's a few months before he died, In 1997, and surprisingly frank interview Pol Pot gave a rare to an American journalist. and of his childhood. He spoke of the revolution he'd led I am the son of a peasant. POL POT (Dramatised): I helped my parents in the fields. When I was young, to give him his true name, Pol Pot, or Saloth Sar, of landowning family was from the sort he would later denounce as parasites. Ever since my childhood, POL POT (Dramatised): to talk about myself. I've tried never just part of my nature. That's really really quite modest. I'm taciturn, Sar and his brothers In the evenings, of the Khmer kings, listened to traditional tales and to the teachings of the Buddha. Cambodia was a poor peasant society. a few miles from their rice fields. Most people travelled no more than wanted a different life for his son. But Saloth Sar's father to the capital Phnom Penh. When Sar was nine, he was sent of Phnom Penh It was in the streets with Cambodia's other world. that Sar came into contact a Khmer king, but in name only. The country was ruled by The French were the colonial masters. the colonialists in their language. The privileged were educated by Saloth Sar was one of the privileged. and history... He studied French literature the Revolution of 1789, that followed it. and the reign of terror as an amusing companion, School friends remembered Sar for hiding his thoughts. but close, with a talent even then an especially able student. He was not No one could recall Saloth Sar in the future of his country, of the Khmer kingdom yet the ordered world was about to be turned upside down. in a bitter struggle The French were engaged in neighbouring Vietnam, to hold on to power was fighting for independence. where a determined Communist army Communist Viet Minh guerrillas

small bands of Cambodians. had begun to train to a few remote border posts, Their attacks were confined "national independence", but their cry, throughout Indo-China. was beginning to resound When Saloth Sar was 20, the great forest temples at Angkor. he made a pilgrimage with friends to of Khmer civilisation Built at the high point more than 700 years ago, of national pride and independence. they remain the symbol a lasting impression The visit would leave on the student who became Pol Pot. could build Angkor Wat, If our people they can do anything. our national soul and pride We must revive

build the country well, in order to defend the nation, and preserve it forever.

of a political journey It was the beginning of Saloth Sar's life forever. that would change the course and very privileged band of students In 1949, Sar was one of a small the capital of the colonial empire. to be given a scholarship to study in after the austerity of the war years. Paris glittered with new life was in living life to the full, At first Saloth Sar's chief interest in the Winter of 1950. but that changed with progressive views I met some students and I often stayed with them, they began to influence my views. and little by little Saloth Sar was of the radical view. against French colonialism It seemed to him that the war by Communists. was being fought and won everywhere was honoured in the streets of Paris. The Soviet leader Joseph Stalin (Speaks French) voted Communist. A quarter of the French population that had met in Vannsak's apartment The small group of radical students was drawn into the Party. Saloth Sar was among them. Sar had become a revolutionary, of Cambodia's colonial masters. intent above all on the overthrow to fight for independence. In 1953, he decided to return home and effective of the groups He sought out the most disciplined the communist Viet Minh. fighting the French in Indo-China, in the jungle, But in his first months to fight the comrade who'd returned from Paris than the camp's vegetable patch. was trusted with no more was Vietnamese. Almost everyone there of Cambodians There were only a handful there was nothing for me to do. and for a long time they let me work in the kitchen. And after a while in name only. But really the Cambodians were there were on their Vietnamese comrades Just how dependent the Cambodians became all too obvious the struggle for independence. only months after Saloth Sar joined In 1953, the French agreed to pull out of Cambodia and Vietnam. it was not a Communist leader But in Cambodia of national independence, who became the symbol but the young king - Sihanouk. more than a third of the country The Viet Minh controlled but they chose not to fight on for a socialist republic in Cambodia. They made peace with the King. The Cambodians were forced to bury their weapons in the forest. After the peace agreement was signed, I returned to the capital

and resumed my work in the political underground. In public, I worked as a schoolteacher in geography, history and morals. In private, in the political underground,

I made contact with not just students and intellectuals but also workers and peasants. It was at this time that Saloth Sar met the man who became his closest political ally. Brother Number 2, Nuon Chea. He is accused of sharing responsibility for the killing fields.

Saloth Sar would speak of this time as one of untiring work for the Party. But there is another, a half-hidden story. The man who in Paris had helped kindle Sar's interest in politics had returned home to campaign in his country's first free elections. But it was not just a shared interest in the election

that drew Sar to Vannsak's house every day. But any hope Sar had for a life with Sueon Song Maly, free of revolutionary struggle, crumbled within a year of his return to the city. The winner of the country's first election was Sihanouk. The King had renounced his throne to take part, but not his powers, and he had ensured his own victory by arresting his political opponents. Taking part in elections, that's just for propaganda. In the end, an election is a power struggle and those who have power in their hands are the ones who determine the final result. It was a turning point for Sar, an end to hopes for democratic change in Cambodia. And even more painful was the personal loss he experienced in its wake. Within a year Saloth Sar had married, but a very different sort of woman. It was to prove the perfect revolutionary marriage. The couple began to throw themselves into Party work. The risks were greater than they'd ever been. Prince Sihanouk had launched a campaign against the Communist Party. He'd begun to call it by a new name - the Khmer Rouge. More and more people were imprisoned.

There were more killings, people were bribed, persecuted, or just gave up. And so our support base in the cities was under siege. Nuon Chea had ensured that his comrade, Saloth Sar, would become Brother Number One. The police kept following me and knew my name but had no idea of my position. By 1963, it was clear that I could no longer stay in Phnom Penh and I returned to the forest, to the Maquis. It would be another 12 years before he returned to Phnom Penh, not as Saloth Sar, but as Pol Pot. At first he was forced to rely again on his North Vietnamese comrades for food and shelter.

They had established new camps on the Cambodian border and were striking deep into South Vietnam. A powerful new enemy had taken the place of the French in the south, one dedicated to preventing the spread of Communism... the United States. American bombers would fly sortie after sortie in search of North Vietnamese guerrillas,

dropping hundreds of thousands of tons of explosives

on a country they weren't at war with. Over the next 10 years nearly 150,000 Cambodians would die in American raids,

most of them innocent villagers. By 1968, Saloth Sar and his comrades had established their own forest camps along the Vietnamese border. Their forces were now known to all as the Khmer Rouge. Saloth Sar was no longer the first among equals, but the all-powerful Party Chief, Pol Pot. Pol Pot chose to live apart, known only to a small circle within the Party. And it was in this small circle that he began to fashion the new Cambodian Communism. I was in a very isolated rural area, and it was here that my views changed a good deal.

It was really what we saw that made an impression on us. The lifeblood of Pol's revolution would be the country's poorest. None of the Party's leaders were peasants, but Pol believed they'd risen above their origins by purifying themselves in the revolutionary struggle. New recruits to the Khmer Rouge were to follow their example by dedicating themselves to the will of the Party leadership, to Angka. They were often locked in a bamboo cell

until they had proved their obedience and loyalty. From the first, Pol imposed a rigid monastic discipline on the movement. Everyone was required to attend regular 'lifestyle' meetings under the direction of a senior Party official or cadre. Nothing was to be hidden from Angka. One by one, those present were asked to confess their weaknesses and seek forgiveness. The same monastic discipline was expected of the peasants living in the areas captured by the Khmer Rouge. But its soldiers were popular in the villages. At first there was only a trickle of new recruits. In 1970, it became a flood. An unlikely ally pulled more and more peasants into the ranks of Pol Pot's jungle army. COMMENTATOR: With deep love for his motherland, Samdech Sihanouk affectionately kisses a handful of earth he has gathered. Cambodia's former king, Sihanouk, had been ousted in a military coup. He now sought to make common cause with the Khmer Rouge.

He was allowed to direct his record of a visit to its jungle camps, the first public glimpse into its secretive world. Pol Pot was careful to remain in the shadows, but his revolution had, for now, drawn a new authority from the King's visit. By 1974, 60,000 men and women, armed with Chinese-made weapons, were fighting in the ranks of the Khmer Rouge. Pol Pot's forces controlled two thirds of the country, and, even with American help, the new military government was losing its grip on the rest. In December 1974, Pol gave orders for the final assault on the capital Phnom Penh. Refugees from the country filled the streets of a city that now numbered more than two million people. As the Khmer Rouge began to tighten its grip, those who could, fled the city. The American ambassador and his staff left on April 12th. Five days later, all effective resistance ceased. The war was over. Then suddenly, it's just so quiet. I stop hearing the sound of the rocket, of the gun... I don't see the airplane. Nothing like that any more. After 20 years of thinking, planning, fighting, Pol Pot was free to build his new society. By the new revolutionary calendar, April 17th, 1975 was Day One, Year Zero. Pol Pot had ordered his forces to take the first great step forward as soon as they occupied the city. Two million people, the entire population of the capital, were to be driven from their homes. There was no American air raid, just the determination of the Party leaders to begin building their new society, no matter the cost. the fruits of the revolution, If we wish to defend there must be no let-up. to build Socialism. We must strike while the iron is hot

its leading role The Party must exercise of cutting-edge violence. with the use the decisive factor, This is the most important factor, that drives things forward. the power had established checkpoints The Khmer Rouge

on the roads beyond Phnom Penh. were assigned a district Those who passed through them their 're-education' where they could begin as workers in the fields. Cameras, watches, books, of the city apart from the peasant, anything that set the people was confiscated by Angka. in the former government Soldiers and officials were separated from the rest. would never see them again. Their families the people had left behind, In the streets destroying the symbols Pol's peasant soldiers were busy they didn't understand. of a modern, civilised world hiding in their homes were executed. The old and the sick they found during the evacuation of the city. Lots of people died In reality, 20,000 people died on the roads out of Phnom Penh. They were casualties in a new war,

by the Party one that was to be fought on the home front. New democratic Kampuchea into the dark ages. had taken a deliberate step back to be a peasant. Angka wanted everyone towns and cities The people of the country's

through manual labour. were to purify themselves and dress in the same way. Everyone had to work in the fields the new socialist society was equal. But not everyone in

the "new people". The city people were in the new communal kitchens First in the queue for food were the poorest peasants. to the full ration. They were entitled were the "new people" from the towns, Last to be served and there was never enough. Hunger a weapon for re-education. Food was control. Foraging for more food was forbidden. were guilty, Those caught picking fruit not just of stealing from Angka, individualism. but of an even more serious crime - new peasants by Khmer Rouge cadres. This lesson was drummed into the everything was to be shared, In Pol's new society even children. They were to live from the age of seven with their Khmer Rouge instructors. Love was selfish too. who men and women should marry Now Angka would choose in the interests of everybody. They made a statement saying that without permission from the Angka. "These two are falling in love I mean, I was there also. "What should we do?" kill them and kill them." I cheer "Kill them, took the hoes and hit the man. And then the young cadres I can see it today, you know. resist to die. How strong that a human... you go back like this, When you're hit you push back like this, ear and nose. and the blood's coming from the eye, Then they un-blindfold the lady. a piece of white paper. She looks just like and how scared she was, I didn't know how frightened she was but then they hit her. and they pushed them into the grave I don't think both were dead yet, and buried them. they'd dug in front of the pole, I think they were buried alive. There was only the will of Angka. were "bad elements" Those who defied it were taken into the forest. and bad elements almost absolute power, District officials wielded no matter their education or age.

from the Western Zone. She was our village chief Her name was Comrade Ohn. She was 12 years old. and she ran the village. 12 years old Stay, you stay. Die, you die. If she said you go, you go. that the purity of their revolution Pol told his comrades to the rest of the Communist world. was an example held a parade in Phnom Penh In April 1976, his new government it had made in just a year. to celebrate the progress The enthusiasm was genuine. marching into a new enlightened age The Party believed the country was of perfect equality. Re-educating the people on the land for the revolution, was the first priority trade, even money. more important than industry, that creates privilege and power. Money is an instrument use it to bribe our Party cadres, Those who possess it can undermine our system. both now and in the future. Money constitutes a danger, We must not be in a hurry to use it. Pol promised clinics and schools. for building them But those responsible vegetable gardens. were busy in their ministry's were even encouraged to grow rice The new government's officials and on its basketball courts. in the city's empty streets Angka condemned sport as bourgeois. Ministry officials were so busy proving they were peasants too, there was almost no effective control over what was happening in the countryside. Radio Phnom Penh was the voice of the new society. The people were forced to listen to monologues about "outstanding successes", some scripted by Pol himself. The reality was very different. The Party leadership had demanded three tons of un-husked rice per hectare, and yet its new army of peasants was barely managing to deliver one ton.

A camera crew from Communist Yugoslavia was able to glimpse and record something of the truth. It was an extraordinary sight - thousands of dedicated workers building canals and dams for Angka. But, close by, rice fields were almost empty. A third of the population was sick, hungry or both. Thousands were dying of malnutrition, and Pol's vision of the new democratic Kampuchea was dying with them. But Pol's confidence in his new society was unshakeable. If the revolution was failing, there could only be one explanation.

It was a fear of hidden enemies born in the years of secret struggle in the jungle. The leaders of the Party were turning on the Party itself, blaming it for the hunger in the countryside. The leadership lost control of most of the country. Is that why the purges started of the Party? The enemies of Angka were taken to a former school on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Tuol Sleng. It was known simply as S-21, the state's secret interrogation centre. It would hold those who had once been the revolution's most loyal supporters. More than 14,000 people would pass through this prison in a little over three years.

Everyone who arrived at S-21 was photographed for the prison records. Chum Mey was one of just seven prisoners to survive of the 14,000 that passed through S-21. He'd been working as a mechanic for the Khmer Rouge. SOLEMN MUSIC The photographs taken of the prisoners in their first hours of captivity are a lasting record of the men, women and children who passed through S-21. Once the prisoners had been photographed, they were taken to the cells. Those the interrogators wished to question closely were held on their own. Children too young to be interrogated were separated from their mothers. After 12 days of torture Chum Mey confessed. Everybody confessed in the end. Chum Mey's confession was typed and carefully filed with his photograph in the prison's archive. It was an unstoppable tide. Every man and woman tortured was forced to give the machine new names. For some of its files, the prison office ordered a second photograph when the prisoner had died under torture. Sometimes the photographer was called to the interrogation room

while the prisoner was dying, like this man. Those who survived interrogation made one last journey. They were driven to a place called Cheung Ek, on the outskirts of the city. This is the killing field of Cheung Ek. But there were other killing fields, 200 prisons, 20,000 grave sites. The remains of men, women and children are scattered across the Cheung Ek field, to this day. Many of those who died here were among Pol Pot's most loyal supporters. INTERVIEWER: Many former comrades of yours, senior members of the Party, were purged and lost their lives. For Pol, the purges were a great victory. But his ruthless pursuit of the imaginary enemy within would lead to the final collapse of the revolution he was trying to defend. There was a new enemy beyond the country's border, Vietnam. There had been a bitter border dispute. The old comrades were close to outright war.

But in the Spring of 1978, Pol ordered his last and bloodiest purge. This time the blow fell in the country's Eastern Zone, the vital security area on the border with Vietnam. The soldiers and Party officials who were expected to repel an invasion

were driven by the lorry-load to local interrogation centres. 100,000 men, their wives and their children, were executed. The Vietnamese invasion began in the country's Eastern Zone on Christmas Day 1978. 13 days later, Phnom Penh fell. The collapse was total. Pol Pot slipped back into the forest. The long nightmare - three years, eight months and 20 days - was over. And at last the world knew of the killing fields where nearly two million people had died.

This was the end of Pol Pot's revolutionary dream. It was not the end of Pol. The Khmer Rouge would fight on in the jungle for almost 20 years. Pol Pot died in 1998. Six months before he died, he spoke to an American journalist about the revolution he'd led. He was asked whether he felt any responsibility for the suffering, the deaths of so many of his own people.

INTERVIEWER: How could his conscience be clear when so many people had lost their lives, 1.7 million people? Pol Pot's deputy lives a quiet, comfortable life in Cambodia. Every year, on the anniversary of the fall of Phnom Penh, people gather at the Cheung Ek killing field to demand justice for the dead. No one has ever been put on trial. The United Nations would like to call those who were responsible before an international tribunal, but until now they have been sheltered by a Cambodian government that is still dominated by former members of the Khmer Rouge. The chief architect of the revolution is beyond international justice, but his legacy haunts his country to this day.

Captions (c) SBS Australia 2006 You know, stuff happens. But she knows, I mean, she deserved it. I kept going, you know. But it was too late. What was I supposed to do? Yeah, I know this bloke, and we all know he hits his girlfriend. Never in front of people. But she won't do anything. You just lose control sometimes. It's only shoving and stuff. It's not like I'm one of those blokes who beats up on a woman. and she knew what we were there for. And then, like, halfway through, she says no. But I kept going and... VOICEOVER: This behaviour is not just unacceptable, it's criminal. You can get help and support by talking with an experienced counsellor on this confidential helpline - 1800 200 526. To violence against women, Australia says no. It's only shoving and stuff. It's not like I'm one of those blokes who beats up on a woman. VOICEOVER: If you have a problem because you've experienced or been responsible for assault or violence, you can call this helpline for help and support. Call 1800 200 526 for a confidential discussion with an experienced counsellor. Nearly a decade ago, a man's fantasy became reality in a form never seen before, Kitchen Stadium, a giant cooking arena. The motivation for spending his fortune to create Kitchen Stadium, was to encounter new, original cuisines which could be called true artistic creations. (Japanese) To realise his dream, he started choosing the top chefs of various styles of cooking and he named his men the Iron Chefs, the invincible men of culinary skills. Iron Chef Japanse is Rokusaburo Michiba. Iron Chef French is Hiroyuki Sakai. Iron Chef Chinese is Chen Kenichi. And Masahiko Kobe is Iron Chef Italian. Kitchen Stadium is the arena where Iron Chefs await the challenges of master chefs from all over the world. The Iron Chef and challenger have one hour to tackle the theme ingredient of the day. Using all their sense of skills, creativity, they'll prepare artistic dishes never tasted before. And if ever a challenger wins over the Iron Chef, he or she will gain the people's ovation and fame forever. Every battle, reputations are on the line in Kitchen Stadium where master chefs pit artistic creations against each other. What inspiration will today's challenger bring? And how will the Iron Chef fight back? The heat will be on!

If memory serves me right, Iron Chef Japanese Rokusaburo Michiba says there are no borders to his cuisine. Many are curious where he developed the skills to fuse ingredients that seem so foreign to each other. I myself wish to know more of his secrets. And recently, I caught a rumour that could help us find the answers. The rumour says there was a certain restaurant Michiba frequented himself to get hints for his own dishes.

That restaurant is well known for its borderless dishes. The challenger I have invited this time hails from this fountain of ideas from borderless cuisine. Head Chef of Kihachi in Aoyama, Masao Suzuki. The creativity of this man is unparalleled. For example,

give him tuna, he'll make it into Chinese spring rolls with mustard sauce. If cod is in season, he'll use the liver in a fried dumpling served with a sauce made from chrysanthemum leaves. With lamb, he boldy serves it with black sesame sauce. No wonder Michiba took notice.