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Commissioner Mick keel te at

good afternoon. the National Press Club. Have a

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Today - the Commissioner of

the Australian Federal Police,

Mick Keelty. In a spech titled

"Policeing in a foreign policy

space" his focus is on the

growing overseas operations of

the Federal Policeage the

challenges facing the 600

police working in seven

countries as part of the

international deployment group.

Mick Keelty with today's

National Press Club address.

Ladies and gentlemen,

welcome to the National Press

Club and the National Australia

Bank Address. Our speaker today

as you just heard had be

Commissioner Mick Keelty of the

Australian Federal Police. We

all agree we live in troubled

times, and as a result of the

events of this week regarding

North Korea, I think possibly

apocalyptic times. Since 9/11,

through to the Bali bombings,

and this new potential era of

nuclear terrorism, commissioner

Keelty has been Australia's

foremost policing figure. We've

also had controversy during his

time at the top of the AFP

regarding the Bali Nine. And

now this week, the diplomatic

stand-off with Solomon Islands

over the Attorney-General, Mr

Moti. I'm sure we'll canvass

these and a number of other issues in our Press Club

address today. Would you please welcome Commissioner

Keelty. (APPLAUSE)

Thank you, Glenn. I'd like

to start off by acknowledging

that we're having this luncheon

address on the land of the

Ngunawal people and acknowledge

their elders past and present.

A lot has happened to the Australian Federal Police in

the last two years, since I

last delivered a speech at this

Press Club. I want to address

two aspects of what's affecting

the AFP, particularly in terms

of our overseas deployments and

a short description of what is

now confronting us with

terrorism. Earlier in year, I

Department of Foreign Affairs asked the secretary of the

and Trade to address our senior

executive, and in his address

Michael Lestrange made the

observation that the AFP now

finds itself operateing in a

foreign policy space. While

that might seem at first blush

to be the bleeding obvious,

there are significant

implications for the AFP in the

growth and performance of our

new role. I want to talk about

some of the challenges of working in that environment and

some of the issues it raises,

because I think it confronts

our traditional notion of

policing as we know it and is

certainly raises issues about

the well-established principle

of the separation of powers and in particular the apolitical

nature of policing as we know

it in Australia. In doing so, I

want to point out how corruption and poor governance

in some of the theatres of

operation for the AFP are impacting upon our ability to

promote and support the various

criminal justice systems

operating in our region.

Establishing law and order in

these imperfectly governed

democracies is a frustrating

yet challenging job for the

AFP. It's also made the

practical issues such as work

force planning for us very much

more difficult. I want to

clarify some of the issues

surrounding the work of the AFP

in the areas of counter

terrorism because it is linked

to the operational independence

of police, and just as

important is its link to the

need for us to maintain as a

policing organisation the

government and the community's

confidence in what we're doing

in this area. Just as I did in

my last address, I want to

raise some concerns about the

media's tremt of terrorism

cases in Australia. If I talk

about policing in the new

paradigm, the broadly

applicable principles of

policing, however we want to

define them, are enduring and

have universal application, at least in western liberal democracies. Concepts such as

Sir Robert Peel's famous nine

points of policing still resonate strongly with the

police today, and it still

provides a useful measure for

police effectiveness. Po for

example Peel's dictum that

police seek and preserve public

favour not by catering to

public opinion but by

constantly demonstrating

absolute impartial service to

the law still stands as the

touch stone of police operations today. There are

many other examples of similar

thoughts and concepts of equal

antiquity which are still

directly relevant such as the

joint first Commissioner of

police of London Sir Richard

Mayne who wrote in 1829 that

the primary object of an

efficient police is the

prevention of crime, the next

is the detection and punishment

of offenders. But are these

maxims relevant to today's

policing environment?

Especially in its evolution for

us in Australia? The AFP has

been steeped in the western

tradition of impartialal tee

and the prevention of crime,

but is that best suited to the

conduct of international

peacekeeping operations in morally ambiguous

circumstances? In many cases,

police in these situations are

forced to operate and cooperate

with governments and

individuals who are either

corrupt or involved in illegal

or immoral activities. This can

be confronting and

disheartening experience for

those police officers involved.

And it can have ramifications

both for the success of the

mission and for the perspective

of those individual police

officers involved. There are

three broad challenging issues

relevant to this area of police

and peacekeeping activity,

namely, the political

challenge, the legacy

challenge, and the cultural

challenge. Physical I turn to

the political challenges first

- much has been written about

the fundamental change in the

nature and scope of peacekeeping operations over

the past 20 years, more

particularly how the function

of policing began to aug mend

and almost sup plant the role

of the military in peacekeeping

operations. I recently met with

the head of the UN police keeping operations in New York,

and it is clear that the trend is likely to continue right

around the world. For

Australia, the Australian Government has committed itself

to assisting communitys in our

region and beyond. N and this

does represent a political

challenge. Even though

government appears to have

rejected the overall concept of

an Australian gendarme, the AFP

needs to grapple with what it

means to be a pseudo gendarme.

I recall the argument being put forward to the government in

1999 that we wanted to send the

AFP to East Timor unarmed. To a

government sensitive to the

risks and responsibility

associated with such joch shore

deployments and the environment

with militia group with a

variety of weapons, our request

to go unarmed would've seemed

quite extraordinary. After all,

why are police who conduct domestic policing functions

here in Australia armed? The

dilemma seems even more

bewilder ing when you see

images of our police up there

today who have with them the

most modern arms. The answer to

this lies in the operating

environment. If my opinion

counts for anything and

recognising I'm not considered

a traditional public servant, I

think one of the strengths of

this government has been the

creation of the national

security committee of Cabinet,

where issues such as the arming

of police in offshore

deployments can be debated.

While ip understand that a

similar structure existed under

some previous Labor governments

I can only speak for my own experience and observe that

this has been a very effective

way to deal with policy making.

History will record whether the

challenges facing us today are

greater or quayal to those of

the past. The point is that we

are faced more consistent, more

diverse and more challenging

policy decisions in the past

seven years than we have for a

very long time, which brings

me back to the pseudo gendarme

and the requirements for us to

be deployed as peace keeper and

also as quasi peace maker. It's

true to say we do have special

weapons and operations style policing in Australia that have

various names in each of the jurisdictions but sending

police into a foreign land to

make peace is a very different

role to the one we performed in

the past. On this point, I

think we need to make it clear

in our own minds whether we are

engaging in these

interventions out of a genuine

attempt to build a better

community or are we more concerned about our own

national security than we are

about a form of

self-preservation or is it a

combination of both? In July

200 #3i was present in Townsville where the send-off

for the Pacific island forum

military and police was taking

place and I recall saying at

the time that the degree of

success of the operation will

be measured by the people of

the Solomon Islands, who we

hope will say that they are

better off as a result of the intervention. I think that's

important, that we maintain our

focus on the community's

measure of our performance but

if we are to consider that the

offshore deployments are as

much to do with our own

security than the changing

nature of the threat, and the

complexity associated with the

notion of national security,

then we must accept that police

have found themselves in a role

formally and almost solely

occupied by the military. As

American national security

analyst Lieutenant colonel

Ralph Peters noted, soldiers

are brilliantly prepared to

defeat other soldiers. He goes

on to say "The enemies we are

likely to face will not be

soldiers. With the discipline

and professionalism with which

that word implies but they will

be warriors, erratic primitives

of shifting allegiance,

habitually led to violence with

no stake in civil order." Add

to this the cultural mix of

Wantok and imperfectly governed

democracies and you soon

recognise that these are very,

very different challenges.

Bernard Myatt a former under

Secretary-General for

peacekeeping operations in the

United Nations took this one

step further as far back as

1988 and said that the use of

police in peacekeeping

operations represents a vital

new dimension of our efforts to

respond effectively to complex

problems posed by civil

conflict. And here's the rub:

since policing commenced in

Australia over 200 years ago,

we've evolved along the Westminster system that sees a

separation between the

executive and police. Police

represent the community and

must remain apolitical. The

founder of modern policing Sir

Robert Peel pointed out that the only difference between

police and the community is

that the police get paid to

protect the community and if a

government wishs to intervene

in the issues of another state,

it has traditionally been

achieved through the deployment

of a military force to deliver

on the government's objective.

Sometimes there agreement about

such deployments but often,

there is not. And hence, the

application of lethal force. In

1985, Hugh Collins noted that

Australia's interest and

identity cannot be enclosed

within a consistent set of

boundaries, its future and its

fate lie in the complex network

of global interdependence. In

gives the country a high stake

in defining these international

conditions but also means that

changes in international norms

and transnational regime also

have direct impact on domestic

politics. A defence force can

and is deployed by government without necessarily affecting

its political standing. But

taking on these new roles for

us means weaving a course

through the politics in order

to keep and maintain our

apolitical character. This

situation is exacerbated when

one observes the recent

developments between our

government and the governments

of PNG and the Solomon Islands.

I'm not going to talk about the

politics of that situation, but

our interest is in upholding

the criminal justice system. If

the criminal justice system is

corrupted or otherwise

interfered with, a community is

left with few options. The

least desirable of those

options is for them to take the

law into their own hands. We

have seen some extraordinary

events since the election of

the current Solomon Islands

government. Riots which were

strategically aimed at damaging

certain elements of the Honiara

community were professionally

and responsibly handled by both

RAMSI and the local police. Having travelled there

immediately after the riots the

conclusion that we were lucky

not to have suffered any loss

of life is compelling. The

restraint of the police and the

personal courage displayed by

them is a story that's not yet

been fully told. Had it not

been for the removal of over

3,700 weapons by RAMSI in its

early phases in my view the

fatalities would've been

numerous. I'm sensitive to that

given that one of our own

officers was murdered. I will

have more to say about that

once the judicial process in

the Solomon Islands is complete

but one has to question the

wisdom of appointing a person

alleged to have instigated

those riots as the new Police

Minister. But the reality is

that these are the environments

in which we operate. And the

call for a judicial inquiry

into the riots by the Solomon

Islands government should

silence any critic of the AFP

who thought we were being

precious when we were adamant

about having immunity from prosecution as part of the

conditions applying to our

earlier deployments to Papua

New Guinea, where we no longer

serve. The lack of support for

the extradition of a fugitive

Australian citizen from the

leadership of some of our

neighbouring countries

exemplifies the difficulties we

face but should also assure our

re-Sol tof support the criminal

justice system. A topic not

openly discussed but I think

worthy of private contemplation

at least is who is behind these

issues? Who orked the charter

flight last Saturday to spirit

Moti from Papua New Guinea? Who

paid for the charter flight?

And who is supporting the

corruption in these countries?

What if Moti was not a

politician? What if he was accused of another type of

crime, albeit that it's hard to

imagine a crime worse than the

one alleged. Indeed, what if he

was not a person who was a

politician and in fact was

Alaneme ledgeed to have

committed a terrorist-type

activity? So policing in this

space is politically

challenging but sthr a balance

to be achieved between how we

are carrying out our

functionses and how the impartialal tee of police

something maintained. Above all

there is a need to support the

criminal justice system because

provideed it too has not been

krumtsed the remains the last

bulwark against ar nar key. I

turn now to the challenge of legacy. One of the most

significant challenges couldn't

froing the AFP is the need to

ensure we have the ability, the

processes and the doctrine to

enable us to succeed in the

various peacekeeping or law

enforcement roles assigned to

us by the government. Our

objectives in niece missions

can be braudzly described in

four different tasks. The first

is the provision of basic law

enforcement and public order

for an interim period. The

second is the reconstitution of

the indigenous police force.

The third is the monitor ing

and mentoring of the local

police unitses and the fourth

is re-establishing and

reforming the judicial and

penal systems as well as the

local legal code. At the outset

I think it is important when

discussing the challenge of

legacy to let you know we have

not left this until now to

contemplate. 18 months ago we

commissioned a three year joint

study by the ANU and Flinders

University titled "Policing the

neighbourhood". We want them to

measure the effectiveness of

our work in this area. And the

demand for peacekeepers both

military and civilian has been

constant over the past 15

years. The trend in the past

eight years, however, has been

towards a significant increase

in demand for UN civilian

peacekeeping roles. The United

Nations reports that as a -

longs long-term conflicts are

resolved in a move to

peacekeeping stages increase,

civilian police will be

required. Regions such as

Afghanistan, Iraq and the

Kashmir are all poll tensionly

new requirements for --

potentially new requirements

for the civilian peacekeeping

roles. While there is no

currently no role in response

to the Israeli Palestinian

conflict beyond the civilian

observe rers in the Hebron, the

issue is periodically mooted as

requiring some in the future.

If any of these Middle Eastern

countries were to become fully

developed peacekeeping roles

there would be a significant

increase in global demand for

those skills. I'm not suggesting the Australian

Government would commit itself

to those roles in these

countries but someone will have

to provide the skills. The

current number of civilian

police peacekeepers deployed in

UN missions worldwide is about

7,500. The past and current

levels of demand give

confidence to an expectation

that the level of civilian

police peacekeeping operations

will continue at least at the

current level and in fact will

more than likely increase over

the next 10 years. The

contemporary of era of peace

operations dealing principally

with intrastate conflicts engendered a requirement to

help or rebuild indigenous

criminal justice systems. From

January 1989 until August 2000

the UN launched peacekeeping

operations in # 1 different

locations around the world, 14

of which required police in a

peacekeeping role. These

missions, which took place nam

Namibia, the former Yugoslavia,

Somalia, Mozambique, Haiti,

Rwanda, GATT mall land a the

Central African Republic, East Timor and Sierra Leone, in

short we're talking about

significant continuous demand

for policing skills around the

globe. And prior to the

creation of the international

deployment group the AFP was

called upon on an ad hoc basis

to conduct largely peacekeeping

missions under the UN. Today we

have about 700 police

performing duties with the

international deployment group

offshore in the Sudan, in

Jordan, in Cyprus, in Timor

Leste and the Solomon Islands,

as well as a body of people

here in support of them.

Following the recent

announcement by the government,

that figure will grow to some

1,200 by the end of 2008. I

have to say, Australia is

leading the way here. I

recently had discussions with

the Washington-based think-tank

SISUS and it's clear we're one

of the only countries where

we're developing both an

international and domestic role

forth police. But numbers are

just one past equation. We have

to ensure we are sending right

people with the right skills to

do the job. We also need to ensure that where appropriate

we are infrunsing decision

making to work towards making a

discernible difference in the

countries in which we operates

and that we do get it right.

For example, in a frankly

critical article in the

Australian army journal titled

"Helping a friend" John

Hutchison lamented what we saw

as one of the major failings of

the participating police force

in RAMSI. He said the PPF did

not fully grasp the concept of

an operation with multiple

tasks. As a result the police

approach led to the inability

to prioritise tasks to achieve

a particular outcome and the

tendency to take inaid quait

force protection measures. He

went on to say that the police

approach was characterised by

compartmentalised activity, an

approach which was further

exacerbatesed by the existence

of different threat assessment

methodologies. The PPF's lack

of overall campaign plan made

it difficult to ensure that

military activities supported

the civil authority in an

efficient manner, for instance,

during the process of making

arrests of suspected criminals.

These are controversial

statements, and the article has

been the subjects of much

critical comment. However, even

if only some of these and

similar observations are accurate,

accurate, the AFP needs to

redouble its efforts to ensure

that future operations are

adequate. The AFP and ADF are

working towards an effective

policy on interoperability. The

Australian community and indeed

the region has and is

benefitting from greater

cohesion and understanding

between the two entities. The

fact that so much of the

Australian taxpayers' dollars

are spent on this area means

that it is incumbent upon the

leadership to ensure a seamless approach to interoperability in

these deployments and we are

doing that. In a study on

Australian peacekeeping, it's

summarised why police can be so

effective in situations like

these, somewhere civil disorder

as well as human rights are not

always respected where the

reign of terror is a recent

memory, the presence of an

impartial police unit can can

reduce the sense of insecurity.

The policeman is far better

equipped to fill the

psychological vacuum than is the soldier because he is dealing with a community

problem that he has met many

times before in a different

setting in his home police

force and looking at it from a

different angle, grif futh

university academic Lorraine

Maserol has spoken about the

four deficits of policing in

Australia. One of these relates

to an unhealthy social distance

between the police and the

communities that they serve.

The legacy challenge is how

will we manage those

deficiencies that exist now, if

indeed they do, and how will we

ensure they are not magnified through overseas operations? I

have to say my own experience

is quite different. I believe the Australian police officer

who serves in one of these

missions comes back to their

domestic role with a much

greater understanding of

community policing, has a

greater cultural awareness, and

is much more appreciative of

the facilities and technology

that policing in Australia

often takes for granted but for

me personally, a much greater

legacy will be left if we get

formula right in these overseas

interventions. We need to build

the capacity of the domestic

agency to a point where both

our governments and theirs can

turn their mind to the

sustainable economic futures

that these locations do not

have. We have to effectively establish a security

environment that's sustainable

over the longer term so that

better health, better

education, more jobs and

growing economies can result.

Some of my colleagues outside

of policing assure me that I

will not experience this in my

own lifetime and recent e ent

events in our region must give

them some succou to that

proposition. I turn now to the

challenge of culture. The

challenge of culture refers to

the difficulties associated

with refocus ing policing on to

an international task when

there may are more comfortable

working in a domestic community

oriented environment. For the A

FP, it's meant the blending of

a number of different state and

territory police cultures to

work as Australian one police

force. Clearly we need to do

this in order to complete the

objective set for us by the Australian Government but

secondly to provide consistency

in approach when working

offshore. To me this was

highlighted during the recent

disturbances in Timor left. One

of the down sides of the UN

nation building models there

was a multinational approach

approach taken to the

development of the world's

newest police force. Clearly

that did not work. Nor are we

likely to see overnight any

major successes achieved with

the arrival in recent days of

186 police from Bangladesh to

serve there. It's a familiar

story for the urn. It's hard to

get the nations of police

skills of comparable ability

from wul around the world and

we found ourselves increasingly

trying to help those police who

are sent to help. At least the

training and development of the

Timor left force will now be

conducted on a bilateral basis,

but there remains an enormous

challenge. This situation in

offshore deployments is made

even more complicated when the

mission involves police working

within morally ambiguous

environments without recourse

to the use of Australian laws.

The success of the mission will

ree depend on police being able

to successful ly steer through

the shoals of this type of

environment to produce an

overall outcome. It could be

argued that basic notions of

relevant no matter where

members of the AFP or

Australian police might be

deployed in peacekeeping

operations. Our own web site

lists some of the outcomes from

a recent seminal review into

the United Nations peace

operations, named the Brahimi

report. Particularly as they

apply to the use of civilian

police. The report notes that

from a doctrinal perspective

the functions of police are to

uphold the rule of law, uphold

respect for human rights, help

communities coming out of

conflict to achieve national

reconciliation, consolidate

disarmament, demobilise and

reintegrate, fund quick impact

projects that make a real

difference to the lives of the

people in the mission area, and

the better integration of

public policy in support of

governance institutions. Many

of these are quite clearly

functions which could be

relevant in an Australian

context as well as during

peacekeeping operations.

Despite this, there is still a cultural challenge to ensure

that police are able to uphold

basic values, apply these in a

sensible context when they're

deployed and understand in an

Australian context when they

return of the the biggest

challenge for us in this regard

to ensure all of our members

have an incredibly clear and

focused understanding of the

basic tenets of policing, a deep knowledge of the

principles underpinning the

profession of policing, and a

comprehensive understanding of

the AFP's stated values and

most importantly, the to apply

all of this knowledge in an appropriate cultural framework.

One of the preliminary findings

of the joint Flinders

University and ANU study has

been for us to increase our

focus on cultural training and indoctrination during the

preparation courses prior to

deployment. As an aside, we

recognised early in the life of

the IDG that as we trained and deployed Pacific island police

for peacekeeping missions there

are other cultural concerns to

be considered. One of these is

HIV AIDS. The AFP have been

leading a HIV AIDS project

amongst Pacific island police

organisations, recognising

firstly that the AIDS epidemic

is spreading in some of the

participating countries in our

region, but also recognising

that there are significant

permanent damage that can be done by police who contract

AIDS whilst working offshore,

and return to their small

Pacific island communities.

Returning to the theme of the

presentation - the military

strategist Carl von Clawitz

noted that the military is a

direct extension of policy and

politics. In fact, one of his

more famous statements was that

war is the continuation of

policy by other means.

Accordingly, operating in

imperfectly governed

democracies with ambiguous

govern nans could be considered

as a foreign policy price that

the police have to pay to

become the new deployable arm

of the Australian Government

policy. The cultural challenge

for the AFP will be to

cooperate in this area while

maintaining true and essential

nature of our organisation. The

equity and dividend that I

spoke about in the challenge of

legacy will be reduceed if our

police do not discern the

differences between the two

operating environments. Former

Governor-General Paul has luck

pointed out that the aim of

policy has consistently been to

make Australian decisions to

meet Australian needs and interests. Understanding and

adjusting to the cultural

challenge has held the AFP in

good stead in the past. The

best example I can give you is

the inclusion of the AFP in the

investigation with the

Indonesian national police into

the Bali and Jakarta bombings

in recent years. While not

obvious to all, the

relationship between the AFP

and the INP had been built up

over a decade prior to those

bombings. Our ability to work

with the Indonesians through

the difficult defence and government relationships over

the past seven years is proof

positive that there is

significant dividends when we

work together. Another

relationship is the

relationship between the AFP

and the police of Burma. We

have worked with the Miyanmar

National Police Force for over

a decade. The reason is simple.

No relationship with the police

of Burma would mean no

relation with the country

responsible for over 90% of the

hair win coming to our shores.

Working with them on narcotics investigation has allowed a

more mature relationship to

develop which will in turn

mutually assist both agencies

when it comes to other forms of

transnational crime such as

terrorism. On the point of terrorism, which is the final area of discussion when talking

about the separation of powers,

it has also become the new

environment in which the AFP

finds itself. I don't intend to

discuss any of the matters that

are currently before Australian

courts but 13 years ago, as a

students at the FBI's national

academy, I studied the theory

and politics of terrorism. I

think that the definition we

were using of terrorism in

those days still holds true

today. The FBI definition was

the unlawful use of force or

violence against persons or

property to intimidate or

coerce a government, the

civilian population or any

segment thereof in furtherance

of political or social

objectives. The point I want to

make here is that terrorism is inherently political. And that

brings with it a dimension to

criminal proceedings that would

not normally be the case. Just

as with my earlier discussion,

the challenge for us and any

law enforcement agency is to

maintain the apolitical

character of policing while at

the same time dealing with the

issues at hand. It follows,

then, that the AFP has had to

ensure that we act according to

the hau with impartialal tee,

but because the issues are

inextricably linked to

political positions and policy, there will always be the

temptation to try to view the

actions of the AFP to be

politically motivated or indeed

politically driven. I can

assure you that this has never

been the case n and I can

equally assure you that I see

no sibs of that changing. I

have raised the subject today

of the media's treatment of

terrorism. I've also raised in my previous address not only

here to the Press Club but also

to the Australian Press Council

and I repeat for what it's

worth that if terrorism is the

most serious crime that we and

our partner agencies investigate then the last thing

we want to do is jeopardise any

of the prosecutions. That is

why we will seldom comment on

any of these prosecutions. But

that has not stopped legal

representatives from rhetoric

and hyperbole that needs to be

considered in the context in

which it's presented. We will

use the criminal justice system

to prosecute our charges, we

will not use the media. Nor us,

there is no such thing as a

trophy trial. We are simply interested in our role in the

administration of justice.

While I suspect my call will

fall yet again on deaf ears, I

think the media has enormous responsibility in regard to how

it portrays terrorism. If the

object of terrorism is to kill

one and frighten 10,000, the

media would do well to ensure

that it does not propagate the

terrorists' mantra in pursuit

of sensational headlines. The

reporting in the last few days

on the supposed threat against

the English and Australian

cricket teams is a classic

example. Making headlines out

of supposition or propaganda

not only fuels fear but there

can be unfor seen consequences

such as economic loss that will

actually indeed achieve the

terrorists' objectives anyway.

We need to consider that we

should not ignite the curiosity

of those marginally interested

in terrorism, nor should we

send the community into a state

of fear from carrying out their

everyday activities such as

going to the cricket. The more

experience that we've had in

analysing world events, and

with the advent of home-grown

terrorists, that is, those who

hither to have not come to the

notice of police or intelligence agencies, it's

important to understand that by

improper treatment of a suspect

or improper presentation of

operational outcomes either by

us0 or by the media , may

encourage others to embrace the

ideals of a terrorist. I'm sure

that neither you nor I want

that. In concluding, I hope

that I have provided you with

the opportunity to assure you

that we recognise it's we're

now faced with a different

challenges than we had the

past. We recognise we are in

fact working not only in a

foreign policy but also a

political space. In my view, we

need to adjust our thinking about the separation of powers

to the degree that we maintain

impartialal tee and remain

apolitical but at the same time

deliver on the government's

needs and expectations in

regard to foreign policy. After

all the government, too, is

working in a different space

but that's the way of the

globalised world. Which we will

do what we can to assist the government to protect the

quality of life of our

Australian people while at the

same time hopefully delivering

benefits to policing organisations and other

communities throughout our

region. Thank you. (APPLAUSE)

As is usual, the next period

will be a series of questions

from the working media, and the

first question comes from Ian

McFed ren. I have two

questions. Firstly, how do you

deal with the morale issue,

when a policeman is sent over

to a place in the Pacific say

and has to deal with issues

such as guarding what are paid

tently crooks as criminals as

Prime Ministers or leaders of

oppositions? Does that the

affect the morale of these

people when they return home?

And secondly, we've learned in

the last few days that about

21,000 man-hours at a cost of

2.2 million in the past few

years has been spent on leak

organisations. Given that 37 of

those investigations were

carried out and just seven were

referred to the DPP, do you

regard that as a meaningful use

of police resources? Dealing

with the first question, by

virtue of the fact that I have

come here and today and talked

about the very issues we're

confronting in dealing with the

morally ambiguous regimes and

the difficult regimes that are

in our region, we can't change

the culture of these regimes,

we have to find a way to work

with them. By being upfront and

not hiding the fact that we're

working in these regimes and

working with these regimes, I

think is a positive. I think

the other positive step we take

is that we're quite frank and

open about this when we prepare

our people for deployment. And

it is true to say that the AFP

in its international operations

right throughout Asia and other

parts of the world has been

doing this for some time. We've

recognised that other cultures

don't work the same as us. Other police organisations

don't work the same as us.

Other police organisations are

corrupted in various areas. But

we're not going to change that.

And a lot of it is, I guess

symptomatic of the cultures in

which they're developed. Rather

than be judgmental about it, we

need to understand it and work

with it. In terms of the morale

of our people, it's maintained

really through having a focus

on the long-term benefit that

we deliver to those

communities. Nothing will, I

guess, replace the genuine

regard in which we're held in

these countries, even in the

Solomon Islands, regardless of

the rhetoric coming from

certain political quarters, the community, by far the majority

of the people in the Solomon

Islands support RAMSI and

support what RAMSI is doing and

they've benefited from it and I

think the very fact that we've

been open in terms of who has

been charged and the offences

that different people have been

charged with is an indication

that the criminal justice

system is the one we must

always make sure we follow. In

terms of the money spent in

regard to leak investigations -

I guess it's an interesting

juxtaposition, I'm standing

here talking to the press about

leaks! (LAUGHTER) Because I

suspect if we didn't have the

media, we wouldn't have the

leaks. But we do take leaks

seriously. The reality is, it

is a criminal offence to

release details of certain

issues that people come into

their possession by virtue of

their office as a public

servant. And whilst not all those leak investigations

result in a prosecution, there

is a percentage of those leak

investigations that results in

more or less identifying the

likely suspect and sometimes

the result is not always a

prosecution but the result is

equal anyway to the outcome

that's required. I imagine most

of the people here are

experienced enough to know that

this seems to go through peaks

and troughs depending on what

the government's dealing with

at the time but leaks are

critical. A government is democratically elected and

needs to govern, without

interference by people who, for

their own motive, want to

undermine what the government's

trying to do and we do treat

them seriously, and we'll

continue to treat them

seriously. The next question is

from David Humphreys. Welcome

back. You asked us before who

paid for Julian Moti's flight

from justice to the Solomons? I

have to tell you, I don't know

the answer to that. If I could

throw that question back to you. (LAUGHTER) What does the

whole situation with the

Solomons, PNG and so on tell us

about how Australia came to so

demonstrably fail in influencing governance

standards in our region? I was

talking about the flight that

was prepared on Saturday, not

the flight ultimately delivered

Mr Moti to the Solomon Islands,

which is another issue in

itself, and one that I

understand others are pursuing.

The thing that you have to

remember about Moti is that he

appeared before a Magistrates

Court in Papua New Guinea and

the magistrate listened to the

evidence that was provided by the Royal Papua New Guinea

Police and the magistrate made

a decision and the fact that he

fled the jurisdiction of the

Papua New Guinea whilst still

before the court is an issue

that we await to see what will

happen in Papua New Guinea. But

in terms of who is it have the

charter flight on stand-by on

Saturday to spirit him away - I

don't know the answer to that.

I can tell you my suspicions

but that would be fueling the speculation. As I said, whilst

not spoken about publicly,

they're worth while private contemplation, because there

are forces at work here that

are under mineing what we're

trying to do. What we're trying

to do is genuine in terms of

helping the people of the

Solomon Islands and what we

were trying to do in Papua New

Guinea was genuine in terms of

helping the community of Papua

New Guinea and helping business, investors in Papua

New Guinea to try and stabilise

and create a situation of law

and order. And unfortunately,

that's been set back by the

Wingi decision. Ross Peak from

the Canberra Times. Just

talking about Julian Moti, can

you tell us what the

involvement of the Australian

police was in detaining him?

When did they first get notice

he had landed in the Solomons?

Can you give us an assurance

that RAMSI will make sure he

sphais in custody now? Also you

mentioned PNG. Is there any

chance that a large contingents

of Australian police will be

going back to PNG? Moti and

the two other people who landed

with him in Munda in the

Solomon Islands, in the north

of the Solomon Islands, was

actually gathered up by the local community. And he

delivered him to the police -

the three of them to the police

station at Geeza, and they

awaited outside the police

station, because as I

understand it on the briefing I

got yesterday from the Solomon

Islands, there was community

disgust about the way the plane

landed and their border s were

breached. Ram - the Royal

Solomon Islands dealt with the

issue at the Geezo police

station. RAMSI was asked to

support that. There are

Australian police as well as

other Pacific island who are

part of RAMSI. RAMSI was

responsible for bringing the

suspects back to Honiara so

they could appear before court yesterday afternoon. They're

currently charged with offences

relating to arriving in the

country without proper documentation, so they are

immigration style offences.

Moti himself has been refused

bail and the other two persons

with him who are thought to

have aided and abetted him have

been granted bail. The future

of that prosecution is one for

the Solomon Islands and I can't

comment any further on that.

Except to say that I hope and

we all hope that the criminal

justice system prevails here.

Moti last Friday, I cancelled

Moti's or the Friday before

last I cancelled Moti's Australian passport as I have

the the power under the Act to

do, because we had surveillance

of Moti mounted in India, and

we were given to understand

that he'd left India without us

being advised. And so what has

simply happened since that

point in time is that we've had

him before the criminal jus tis

system? Papua New Guinea. He is

now before the justice system

in the Solomon Islands. In the

normal course, what would

happen to somebody who arrives

in a country without

documentation is that they

would be deported and we're

hopeful that the Solomon

Islands courts and immigration

people will deport Moti to Australia. Alan

Australia. Alan Thornhill,

freelance. Just returned from

Solomon Islands, where I was

part of the RAMSI media support

team. Media strengthening team

more correctly. The arrest of

Julian Moti, at least has a

strong appearance of being

politically driven. The events

which led to the charges were

all public knowledge in 1997,

and yet he was not arrested

until after he was appointed

Attorney-General in our

neighbouring country. Have the

AFP been careless in at least

permitting that appearance to

arise? No, we haven't. And we

should point out that Moti has

not been appointed as

Attorney-General as yet. The

investigations into the

allegations concerning Julian

Moti - and I realise there was

an article about this in one of

the Australian media at the

weekend that didn't have it

right - he was charged under -

for offences in Vanuatu. The

alleged victim was aged 13 at

the time. There are

inconsistencies about how that

prosecution was put before the

courts in Vanuatu and in fact

allegations of corruption and

allegations that the magistrate

involved in that matter had

acted improperly and had an

improper association with Moti.

For that reason, the matters

were not fully tested before

the courts in Vanuatu. Moti is

an Australian citizen, and the

law in Australia for child sex

tourism is quite specific. We

have extra territorial

jurisdiction in that. You would

be aware of some of the extra territorial cases that have

been launched by us out of

Thailand and Indonesia,

including more recent cases in

Bali and l.d ombok and Moti is no different. The investigation

into Julian Moti by the AFP

commenced in the end of 2004,

when the matter was referred

back to us. It was referred

back to us after the Vanuatu

police have completed their

investigations into Moti and

believed that because the

matter had taken a particular

course in their own can you

tree, that they couldn't take

it any further. For the most

part of 2006 we've been dealing

with the young female victim of

the am --

alleged crime. We put together

a brief of evidence that was

then forwarded to the

Commonwealth director of public

prosecutions. That person

needed to take a hot of matters

into consideration, not the

least being that that

proceedings had commenced in

Vanuatu historically. But still

made the decision that the

matters were appropriate ly

able to be dealt with by the

Australian courts, and give us

consent to initiate extradition

proceedings. It had absolutely

nothing to do with the intended

appointment of Moti as

Attorney-General in the Solomon

Islands, and indeed, all of our

activities, particularly the

work we've done with the young

female victim, the alleged

victim, was even before the

Sogavare government was put in

place. So people should rest

assured that there has been no political motivation by us in

relation to this matter. We

have just conducted an

investigation that's been complicated because of the jur

dictional issues, and

complicated in trying to work

with the victim. In these types

of alleged sexual assaults,

it's important that the victim

issues are considered first and

foremost and I think on that

point, if Moti were to appear

in an Australian court we need

to take cognisance of that, but

then the prosecution would then

be here so I don't want to go into further details of the

case alleged against

Moti. Crying Skeen from the

'Sydney Morning Herald'. What

was your - reaction when you

learned that the PNG Prime

Minister said that Moti would

have free passage back to the

Solomons? And a very pragmatic

question. Would you accept that

the only realistic prospects of

Moti being extradited to

Australia or indeed deported to

Australia as you have just

raised is that Sogavare loses

power, presumably through a no

confidence vote, pending at the

moment in the Solomon Islands?

Just a as an aside, you

referred to the difficulties of

working in perfectly functions

democracies in the region.

Would you regard Australia as a

perfectly functions

democracy? (LAUGHTER) In

relation to the first question

- I don't want to comment on the statements of Prime

Minister Somare. I will,

however, say that the Royal

Papua New Guinea police

transnational crime unit in my

view acted appropriately. There

was an Interpol red letter

notice issued for the arrest of

Moti. There was a first

instance warrant issued for his

arrest. And what the Royal

Papua New Guinea police in the

transnational crime unit did

nothing more than what any

other police force in any part

of the world that's a signatory

to extradition treaties

would've done. My reaction in

terms of allowing him to flee

the jurisdiction of Papua New

Guinea leaves me wondering, I

guess, for the sake of the

people of Papua New Guinea and

the sake of the Papua New

Guinea police force, where their criminal justice system

is at because Moti as I say was

before the courts. And he has fled the jurisdiction whilst

still before the courts. And I

consider the court in Papua New

Guinea to be an appropriate

authority to deal with the

matter, and they should've been

entitled to deal with the

matter in due course as as

they would've in any other

jurisdiction. The indication

given to me yesterday by the

Commissioner of the Royal

Solomon Islands Police was that

the justice system will k the

determinant as to Moti's future

moves, and we expect in the

normal course that there would

be no political interference in

what's happening in the Solomon

Islands and that Moti would be

ultimately deported to Australia because he has arrived in the Solomon Islands

without any travel documents

and he is an Australian citizen

and his Australian passport as

I say was cancelled by me

almost two weeks ago. Your

final question was? You were

talking about perfectly formed

democracies. Given Alexander

Downer's criticised you in

recent times on things you have

said, is it appropriate that he

says that we're totally - the

police force here is totally

independent from the government. Don't these things

affect all governments,

including our own? I think the

fact that people speak openly

and freely, people demonstrate

in this country, people have

views, express views in this

country in a way that doesn't

happen in other countries, I

think we have a very good

functioning democracy in our

country and my role as

Commissioner of police is to

ensure that the AFP is

professional and impartial, and

administers the law in a

professional and impartial way

as part of that over all

democratic society that we all

belong to. Well, ladies and

gentlemen, I'm sorry, that's

all we have time for today.

Commissioner, thanks for being our National Australia Bank

speaker today. This is a gift

to show you our appreciation.

It's a membership of the club,

and it's a National Press Club tie, but on the evidence of last week, I wouldn't be

wearing it in Moscow, because I

know journalists aren't too

popular there! (APPLAUSE)

Captions produced by Captioning

and Subtitling International

Shane Bourne lived his early days in the shadow of his absent father

who was making a big name for himself in showbiz on the Gold Coast. When his dad died of a heart attack Shane went in search of his missing idol and committed himself to a showbiz career of his own. Serious acting roles came slowly, and in recent times Shane's been honoured for his part in the medical drama 'MDA'. Tonight's Talking Head is Shane Bourne. Shane, it's great to have you here in Brisbane.

Huge pleasure to be here, Peter. I love Brissie. 30 years you spent trying to make a living, and succeeding, as a stand-up comic. I can't think of a harder way to make money. Yeah, it is. I remember Val Jallay, Maurie Fields's wife, saying, "You know, you've chosen the hardest path." You know, as distinct from acting, singing, whatever. I think the reason I did choose that path

was I saw it as a fast track. I was bit impatient, certainly didn't wanna go to NIDA or, you know, the VCA for three years or, you know, take singing lessons. And I thought, "Bang! Just get up there and do it." I need you to tell me your favourite joke. You see, I've become a serious thespian, these days, Pete, so probably not up to too many gags. But in my spare time I do. (Laughs)

I heard a good kids' gag the other day, which was just one of those little kids' riddle things which wasn't bad, which was "Why do dogs have cold noses? "So they don't burn the other dogs' bums." So I'll be opening with that at my next gig.