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(generated from captions) of our top stories tonight. Before we go a brief recap

10th anniversary as Prime Minister, John Howard has celebrated his declaring there's still more to do. Today he's announced counselling services Medicare-funded

with unplanned pregnancies. and a national hotline for women And for the first time, sole responsibility Saddam Hussein has taken

for the actions of his regime. trial over the deaths of 148 people. The former Iraqi president is on And that's the news to this minute. The '7:30 Report' is next, update at 8:30. and I'll be back with a news

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A poor public image was John

Howard's downfall. Does Mr Howard

ever think he'll ever have another

crack at the leadership? That's

Lazurus with a triple by-pass. I

mean, really.. Tonight - Lazurus

the long distance run. Everything mean, really.. Tonight - Lazurus and

about John Howard is low profile.

I just happen to be in the right

time at the right place. (Chant) We

want John. He's parlayed an out

ordinariness into a potent want John. He's parlayed an out ward

commodity and now, 10 years at the ordinariness into a potent political

top. That's much harder than you

think. But what's fueled and

success? Do a grinding

or an uncommon gift, a political success? Do a grinding determination

sixth sense? Tonight, under the

microscope the paradoxical decade

PM, John Howard. microscope the paradoxical decade of to Canberra nearly 32 years ago When John Winston Howard first came this Parliament didn't exist. on the planning board. It wasn't even Over the past decade impregnable castle. he's made it his own seemingly Welcome to the program. John Howard won the keys to on March 2, 1996. the most powerful office in the land Since then, this office, parliamentary chamber behind it, and the Cabinet room and of one man's political dominance, have become the focal point one other since Federation. a dominance exceeded by only of a plain man, Remarkably, it's been the triumph an ordinary man, as an "average Australian". who says he's happy to be defined to inspire stronger emotions A man who paradoxically seems in his enemies of his admirers. than in the varied ranks some tough economic moments He's led Australia through and some national tragedies. on office looked shaky. He's had moments when his hold the back of an economic prosperity But he's also won four elections off steady growth, low inflation, whose cornerstones have been standards, low unemployment. low interest rates and, by modern formula for success Tonight we look at the Howard the Prime Minister shortly. and I'll be talking with desperate predicament We also look at Labor's after 10 years in the wilderness. Political Editor Michael Brissenden. First, the Howard years with

It's been going on for weeks

- the quiet sober celebration of a It's been going on for weeks already

rare political achievement. But

today, it's finally arrived - 10

years of the Howard Government.

There have been private parties,

dinners, speechs and last night a

grand dinner in the Great Hall of

the Parliament. All of it has been

marked by a distinct and carefully

managed lack of emotion. John

Howard has learnt many things in

years in politics and one of the Howard has learnt many things in his

most significant lessons that came

from the final years of the Keating

Government was just how dangerous

could be. There have been no Government was just how dangerous it

Evans moments no triumphant victory could be. There have been no Gareth

balls but right from the start

defined the last turn of the

Government John Howard defeated in

1996. One of the things Howard has

election night understood is when you are PM on

election night you leave behind

of the partisan oppositional election night you leave behind some

language of the bat and will talk

for all Australians, not only those

who voted for you. And Howard's

done that by adopting the ordinary

have a knack last year language I

guess of Australian daily life.

Many of Australia's successful

politicians have had ordinary

backgrounds, but few have

that quite so effortlessly. Unlike backgrounds, but few have translated

Mark Latham for instance who turned

his humble origins into the central

plarfg of his political persona,

John Howard's success in politics

built on a mix of the ordinary John Howard's success in politics is

suburban conservatism of his

upbringing and the tough political

battles of more than three decades

in the game. One of the things that

makes John Howard interesting I

think is actually his mix of

ambition and his mundane persona.

He enjoys, he loves his family. He

enjoys spending time with them. He

loves watching cricket and he also

loves running the country. And

this bizarre mix that makes him loves running the country. And it's

a fascinating character. From this bizarre mix that makes him such

frustrated Treasurer to Malcolm

Fraser through 13 years in

Opposition watching Hawke and

Keating open up the economy and his

own side of politics tear itself

apart with misguided ambition. The

seemingly endless rivalry with

Andrew Peacock. All of it has made

John Howard the politician he is

today. For all his success, John

Howard hasn't attracted much

interest so far from the political

intelligentsia. Maybe he likes it

that way.? it's true the man and

his years as PM haven't been

dissected in the same way as Labor

political figures regularly are.

All that is beginning to change.

Peter Van Onselen has been

chronicling the Howard years for a

biography due to be published once

John Howard moves on. John Howard's

strongest political qualities are

his discipline and his political

learning. That's not to say he

doesn't make mistakes, he still

does. There's no doubt about that.

But he learns from his mistakes.

Judith Brett is another of those

rare academics who've taken a keen

interest in what has become a

significant political period.

I think he's kept learning, but I

think one of the things about

is that Howard understands think one of the things about Howard

power. He understands - the second is that Howard understands political

electoral victory was a slight one

but he got that political power and

he used it. And Howard has

time and again, why would you be a he used it. And Howard has stressed

politician, go through the election

campaigns, win election victory if

you weren't going to use political

power? And right from the start he

began using it with zeal. His

few years in office were began using it with zeal. His first

characterised by fiscal discipline

and a massive clawback in

spending. There were dogs and and a massive clawback in Government

balaclavas on the walls and

political drift within. In 1998

political drift within. In 1998 the man who once said never, ever took

the GST to the polls and won - just.

The Government that you have

The Government that you have elected tonight will lead this country into

the 21st krrn. He built on the

economic Liberalism built by the

Labour Government before him. He

reigned in interest rates, reduced

unemployment, it was an

unprecedented run of economic

security. But it was national

security, ordinary fears in

extraordinary times that really

strengthened his hand. As I speak

strengthened his hand. As I speak to you tonight, 2,000 young

you tonight, 2,000 young Australians are preparing to go to East Timor.

East Timor the Bali bombings and

September 11 produced a strong and

determined political response. But

the legacy has also been tarnished.

Questions of probity still hang

Questions of probity still hang over the children overboard affair and

the justification for the Iraq war.

The Australian Government knows

The Australian Government knows that Iraq still has chemical and

biological weapons. But over time,

Australians have grown to respect

him and the majority vote for him,

even if they don't always believe

him. I think one of the ironies

about John Howard is that what has

made him a successful Conservative

PM, and by that I mean successful

PM, and by that I mean successful at winning elections, the irony what

has made him that is also what has

upset so many people with him being

loose with the truth. His ability

to avoid questions, his ability to

provide answers that could

ultimately be taken one way or

another depending on how the

circumstances thereafter unfold,

circumstances thereafter unfold, has allowed him not to get pigeonholed

in the way he did in his first

couple of years as prp. Above all

else, John Howard believes he has a

genuine connection with ordinary

suburban Australians. At times

suburban Australians. At times it's carefully crafted but it's not manufactured. It's this

ordinariness, this appeal to common

fears and aspirations that's been

the foundation of his prime

ministership. Some have called

aspects of this a culture war. He

has vigorously attacked elites and

political correctness. There's no

doubt he's shaped and public debate,

but has he fundamentally changed

but has he fundamentally changed and nation? Many of his critics and

supporters alike say he has.

supporters alike say he has. Others believe his impact in this area at

least will prove to be temporary.

I don't think his legacy will be

I don't think his legacy will be one of having dramatically changed the

country, but there is no doubt that

during his term the country has

during his term the country has been very different and he has taken it

in a different direction, I think,

to the direction Paul Keating took

it. But I don't think it's a

lasting change. It's not a lasting

fork in the road. Political leaders

give if you like a sort of

give if you like a sort of temporary shape to public debate while

shape to public debate while they're in power. Whether or not they

permanently eclipse other

possibilities I doubt. 20 years ago

John Howard declared the times

John Howard declared the times would suit him. In the last 10 years

suit him. In the last 10 years they have. But anniversaries aside, one

thing history has taught him is

thing history has taught him is that the future can still be

unpredictable and politics is

unpredictable and politics is always a work in progress. It's been a

wonderful journey over the last 10

years. But as Benjamin, the

years. But as Benjamin, the Israeli famously once said, finality is not

a word owed to politics. PM, first

up, did you really tell your inner

sanctum that you didn't want any of

what we might call Gareth Evans

moments last night, the dance of

unbridled Labor delight after its

unbridled Labor delight after its so years of office. Was that the kind

of public triumphalism that you've

been determined to avoid? Certainly,

that's absolutely right. I did not

want that. I thought it

want that. I thought it appropriate to mark the occasion, but not in a

way that transmitted to the

Australian public that we thought

Australian public that we thought we were doing them a favour doing

were doing them a favour doing their Government. I'm very alive to that.

I thought it was right that we

marked the occasion. It is an

achievement and obviously these are

occasions where you try and raise a

few bob for the party funds as well.

But we did want to avoid

triumphalism. When you first walked

into this office as PM you can't

possibly have thought that you'd

still be here 10 years later

still be here 10 years later heading into your 67th year and looking at

into your 67th year and looking at a clear blue sky, could you? No,I

couldn't have. I thought after I'd

won in '96 that with reasonable

won in '96 that with reasonable luck we could have two terms. After

that, it was in the lap of the gods.

I didn't think we'd get to where

I didn't think we'd get to where we are now. I didn't. And certainly

at various stages in the first half

of 2001. It was looking a bit rocky,

wasn't it? We were looking very

rocky. The sky looks reasonably

blue at the moment, but it can

blue at the moment, but it can cloud over. You can have a southerly

change very very quickly. Looking

change very very quickly. Looking at the keys to understanding the

success of your leadership, as far

as the great mass of Australians

as the great mass of Australians are concerned economic management has

obviously been the centrepiece, but

the economic radical that you

identify yourself as has been

tempered by large dollops of

pragmatism when you've deemed it

necessary, hasn't it? Yes,it has.

necessary, hasn't it? Yes,it has. I think you need a balance. You need

a balance between good policy and

good politics and I acknowledge

good politics and I acknowledge that on occasions when people have been

unhappy we have responded to those

concerns. I frequently say to my

colleagues, "It's better to be 90%

pure in Government than 126% pure

pure in Government than 126% pure in Opposition. " There is a fine

balance. People will criticise me

for that. They'll say it's being

cynical and pragmatic. Well, it is

being pragmatic, but it's also

being pragmatic, but it's also being sensible. Australians are very

balanced people. They see the

balanced people. They see the sense of that. They want reform but they

don't want zealotry. When they

think we're being zealot or

obstinate, they send us signals.

obstinate, they send us signals. If we don't listen they start to lose

interest in us. Labor learnt the

hard way that once it let the

deregulation genie out of the

deregulation genie out of the bottle there was no going back. In their

case the difficulty lay with

workplace reform. Is your

equivalent of that now going to be

tax? You've broadened the base with

the GST but not enough broadening

the GST but not enough broadening of the base according to many.

the base according to many. There's obviously a great deal of unrest

within your own ranks, national and

Liberal about that. How do you

Liberal about that. How do you rise to that challenge of tax reform

beyond the Clayton's reform of a

beyond the Clayton's reform of a tax rise or two which often may be just

giving bracket creep back? I don't

think there's unrest on this issue.

Malcolm Fraser, the group of

Liberals, the National Party -

I don't think Malcolm feels very

restless at the present time. He's

got a very interesting new job.

Now that you've brought him into

Now that you've brought him into the tent. He's working very hard. I

think unrest is far too strong a

word. But there is strong pressure

for reform, isn't there? But I

for reform, isn't there? But I don't think it's a big issue. People

would like further tax relief.

There's always a debate as to

whether people really want tax

reform versus paying less tax. I

think it's mostly the latter. It's

quite hard to bring about a further

radical change to the taxation

system without interfering with the

existing Family Tax Benefit system

and I can tell you Kerry, we're not

going to interfere with that,

because it's very much at the core

of the help we provide to

of the help we provide to Australian families in the middle. That's

important to me from a policy point

of view. It's also something that

the public supports. Let me just

throw up some of the common

observations about you as a way of

measuring the decade. That John

Howard, average Australian,

Howard, average Australian, ordinary man has become a winner for you.

True? People like the fact that

True? People like the fact that they can relate to me. And if they feel

that way then that's good. I've

never tried to cut myself off from

ordinary people. I say I've

conducted a perpetual conversation

with the Australian people and I've

tried to do that. Is it in your

tried to do that. Is it in your mind that that is a role you measure

yourself against? You could put it

that way. I think people like

that way. I think people like being able to talk to their PM, whoever

able to talk to their PM, whoever he or she may be in relaxed situations.

I have found over the last 10

I have found over the last 10 years that mixing with Australians at big

gatherings often give you clues as

to how they are thinking. I've

never forgotten the experience of

the 2001 Rugby League Grand Final

which was only a few weeks out from

the 2001 election, and you've been

in public life for a long time, you

can pick up a bit of a feeling from

some of those gatherings. I came

away feeling that we were in for a

real show because a Rugby League

Grand Final is a great

Grand Final is a great cross-section of the Australian public. So you

of the Australian public. So you are obviously quite comfortable with

obviously quite comfortable with the ordinariness, or averageness if I

can put it that way? Oh, very.

Social researcher Hugh Mackay talks

about your strebt as an ordinary

about your strebt as an ordinary man and he's been mapping public

attitudes for decades as you know.

He usually gets it right. "The key

to Howard's appeal lies in his very

lack of charisma. His ordinary

bloke image triggers the most

instinctual feeling that he must be

an ordinary vote as well. Even

people who believe that he's

actually lied to him he appears so

sincere, it's hard not to be

seduced. " If true, that's not

flattering, but effective? Well,

it's not true. I believe in being

average and ordinary. One of the

reasons I do is that's who I am.

I'm out of the lower middle class

I'm out of the lower middle class of Australia if you can use that kind

of expression. That's my

background. I'm very proud of it.

That's who I am. The other thing

That's who I am. The other thing is that Australians are deeply

sceptical people. It's one of the

great differences between

Australians and Americanses. We're

far more sceptical than the

Americans. They spot humbug and

pretension and people who have

delusions of granduer and they spot

it quickly and they're unerring in

their instinct. Mackay talks about

the perception that you misled

people on kids overboard created

people on kids overboard created the distinction between core and

non-core promises. Went to war in

Iraq based on false information,

that you never seem to know about

the scandals that developed in 10 years of Government. On the other

hand, he says, this public has the

high level of respect for you. If

that perception and yet that

that perception and yet that respect are out there and quite widely held

according to Mackay, why do you

think that is? We're talking

perceptions? It's very hard for me

to answer that, because I don't

convincingly lie - You're not a

convincingly lie - You're not a good liar? A very bad one. I don't

convincingly lie as Hugh says. I

really don't. When did you learn

that? That you don't learn very

well? If I'm a person who sort of

feels if I'm confronted with an

awkward question, it shows. On your

broad social directions Mr Howard I

still remember that image of the

idyllic family behind the Pickett

fence upon which you based your

Opposition campaign in the late

'80s, does that symbolism of the

Pickett fence still apply in 2006?

Oh, yes. It's wrong to see that

just as suggesting that the only

family formation is a husband and

wife and two children, with by

implication mum at home full-time.

Although there are still more of

those families with dependent

children than there are where both

parents are in full-time work.

Interesting statistic we should

Interesting statistic we should keep in mind. But I think to younger

Australians the idea of home and

family security is just as strong

family security is just as strong as it has been in earlier generations.

And I think one of the mistakes

And I think one of the mistakes some people, including some on the left

have made, is to assume that every

young person in Australia is

disinterested in family security

disinterested in family security and relationships security. Do you

relationships security. Do you think it's still the predominant hope and

dream of young Australians to find

the right relationship, and have

children? Oh yeah, I do. I noticed

your first biographer and old

admirer David Barnett has written,

while lauding your economic record,

that you're going to have to

that you're going to have to broaden out your social perspective to meet

the kinds of challenges we're

talking about. Issues like paid

maternity leave, perhaps? Yeah, I

saw that. I'm not sure that paid

maternity leave is the beall and

endall of dealing with this issue.

I think the baby bonus which is a

payment when a person has a child

payment when a person has a child is a better option than paid maternity

leave. Some people say well you

ought to have both, and many people

have paid maternity leave. Public

service has paid maternity leave.

What did you think about his gentle

chiding that you need to broaden

your public perceptions? Well, I

read it. We're talking about women,

Amanda Vanstone said today that

generally speaking, women in

politics - and there are more of

them now - are for the policy, and

men are in it primarily for

themselves. I'm not sure you'd

themselves. I'm not sure you'd rush to agree? No,I don't. There are

some women in it for themselves and

men in it for the policy. I think

that's an unduly harsh judgment by

my good friend Amanda . You're not

going to identify any of the women

you think are in it for themselves?

I wouldn't be game. None of them

around the Cabinet, of course.

No, of course. You eseem to have

embraced the view just recently

embraced the view just recently that the warnings about greenhouse

emissions really are valid.

Wouldn't we now be better off if

you'd been able to see that picture

convincingly 10 years ago? I think

convincingly 10 years ago? I think I was probably beginning to be

attracted to that view 10 years ago.

It wouldn't have made any

difference to Kyoto, our attitude

difference to Kyoto, our attitude to Kyoto. The problem with Kyoto is

that if we sign up under the

that if we sign up under the present arrangements then we were penalised

and we lose industries to these

Category 2 countries like Indonesia

and China that don't have the

sanctions if they miss certain

targets and we just lose industries.

That's the problem. I think it's

fair to say though, isn't it,

fair to say though, isn't it, that's there's been more urgency in the

there's been more urgency in the way you're addressing the problem in

recent years. And I think

effectively we are going to meet

effectively we are going to meet the Kyoto target, the emissions target

of 108%. We are part of this

Asia-Pacific partnership which is

putting a focus on investing in

technology as a solution to the

problem. But you've also indicated

problem. But you've also indicated a need particularly on the

Murray-Darling basin problems that

there is going to be a need for you

to move much more urgently than

that. Tinge Murray-Darling process

which is a cooperative one between

the States and the Commonwealth is

moving too slowly. One of the

moving too slowly. One of the great dilemmas of this country is if

cooperative federalism doesn't work

the next step is always very

difficult and that is a greater

Commonwealth involvement. I'd

rather solve it cooperatively.

If I can finish by joining on that

great Australian preoccupation with

gambling, Centrebet says the smart

money is on you leaving politics

this year. That's a bold

this year. That's a bold prediction the way things are going at the

moment. That option has firmed

moment. That option has firmed from $7 to $the 4 they say. You going

next year has drifted from $2.20 to

$2.40. Is there something

$2.40. Is there something Centrebet knows that we don't? No,certainly

not, certainly not. But it would

seem to be a decision that you're

seem to be a decision that you're in no rush to make and have no real

need to even be contemplating right

now? No,I enjoy the job. There's

still a lot to do. I don't want to

bore you with the conventional

response, but it's something that

well, occasionally enters my mind

but it's not something that I think

about a lot. John Howard, thanks

about a lot. John Howard, thanks for talking with us. Thank you. John Howard has seen off four Labor leaders, although Kim Beazley's back again for a third crack at his nemesis. Labor has suffered a number of low points in the Howard decade, but few have been as desperate as the times it confronts now. Matt Peacock reports on the steep climb ahead for Labor.

. Can I conclude on this note,

thanking you sincerely for the hope,

the faith, and sticking with us

through these years. Thank you,

indeed. The landslide defeat he had

to have. 'Hope' was the key word

for the next leader Kim Beazley,

for the next leader Kim Beazley, who nearly won the following election.

The Labor Party is back in town.

CHEERING AND APPLAUSE Not for the

mortgage belt swingers it wasn't.

They've voted John Howard ever

They've voted John Howard ever since and Kim Beazley's words had a

and Kim Beazley's words had a hollow ring. We will put forward an

alternative government that will

win. Thank you very much. They

didn't. They tried another leader,

but even then the knives were out

for him. Then, the meltdown.

I thank you very much and I'll see

you again. Thank you. CHEERING AND

APPLAUSE The flipside to the Howard

decade. Labor out of power and

likely to stay there. You don't

likely to stay there. You don't last to be 10 years PM of this country

to be 10 years PM of this country if you're an idiot and he's not. He's

a very skilled prition politician.

If you've got anything you'd say

about John Howard and there's lots

of things I'd like to say about him,

but one thing you acknowledge is

persistence. Kim Beazley takes some

comfort in that, even two-time

losers can win. What I take and

learn from John Howard is pursue

your core views, make them salient

in politics. But in politics

disunity is death and on John

Howard's anniversary, Labor's

divisions have scarcely been more

East. There has been an immense

about of nonsense in Victoria and

sleaze in Victoria. A small number

of people, standover mer commants

thugs and other sleazebags. Forget

about naz el gazing, we as

individuals are no longer important.

Of course at different times other

people try to get me focussed on

internals of the party to protect people try to get me focussed on the

them, advance them or whatever, but

I won't. If Kim wants to wonder why

people are contemplating their

navels it's because the view down

there is a lot better than looking

into the future. According to

Cavalier, Kim Beazley just doesn't into the future. According to Rodney

get it. On the Liberal country

side you see policemen, pilots, get it. On the Liberal country party

nurses, small businessmen merchant

bankers, a rich array of society.

On the Labor side, it is strictly

staffer, staffer staffer. It's a

monopoly. But for Kim Beazley, it's

all good. This is why we will never

surrender. We will never surrender.

He maintains that John Howard's

industrial relations laws have

his party the shot in the arm that industrial relations laws have given

it needs. I detect as I go round

party a very much changed level of it needs. I detect as I go round the

commitment. They really want to

fight now and I think that's a good

thing. And even when you've got

things like pre-selection ballots

going on. What is interesting is

that there are a lot of people out

there that want to represent the

party. Come the next election it

will be the Government's to lose

more than Labor's to win and

researcher Hugh Mackay thinks the

coalition's safe with John Howard

the helm. The appeal of John Howard coalition's safe with John Howard at

really rests on two things. One is

continuing economic prosperity,

which means people credit him with

having the superb economic

credentials. The other, though, is

that he really does seem to be an

ordinary bloke. If it's an economic

boom time, John Howard's the only

politician, the only PM they've

known. Unless the Labor Party politician, the only PM they've ever

offers them something really to

for, they're going to vote for John offers them something really to vote

Howard. Author Rebecca Huntley,

formerly on Labor's National Policy

Committee researched the views of

hundreds of young voters for her

latest book. The key problem about

the Labor Party strategy is to

out that the Government is corrupt the Labor Party strategy is to point

and it lies to people and for the

majority of young people they're

like, oh, politicians lie to us,

somebody alert the media.? " They somebody alert the media.?

actually don't believe politicians

will tell the truth. If you've got

a low faith in politicians that

tactic just isn't going to work.

There may be another problem.

According to Rodney Cavalier the

party's true believers are now an

enzaenged species. In NSW

effectively the Labor Party has

disappeared below. There might be

22,000 ticket members. The reality

is in terms of active members,

excludeing the political class,

people who are salaried and paid to

do what they do, there are fewer

than 1,000. That's the least of Kim

Beazley's current worries. The

blood-letting over Simon Crean

blood-letting over Simon Crean means that his own position is now even

more vulnerable. I don't even begin

to entertain that sort of

speculation. What I'm on about is

winning the next election. Right

now, that might seem like a remote

possibility. But in politics,

anything's possible. John Howard's

defeatable, we all are. The

Government has to be in deep, deep

trouble economically for there to

trouble economically for there to be any prospect of Labor winning.

We've done it before, we done it

under Whitlam and Hawke and Keating

there's simply no reason why we

can't do it now. Matt Peacock's look at Labor ends this special program on 10 years of Australian political history and a glimpse into the future. Incidentally, John Clarke and Bryan Dawe will be back on air next week in their usual Thursday spot to remind us of the present in their own unique way. Have a comfortable and relaxed weekend and join us again Monday. But that's it for now.

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This program is not subtitled Rising 5.5 miles above sea level towers the highest point on Earth -

Mt Everest. To reach the summit is one of the great goals of human achievement. But 50 years after Everest was first conquered, it has become a tourist mountain. Every year, guided expeditions take increasing numbers of climbers up its slopes. On May 10, 1996, 16 guided climbers fought their way to the top of the world. But as they struggled to descend, a violent storm blew in. Blinded by snow, out of oxygen and beyond the reach of rescue, they were exposed to the full fury of the mountain. Within 24 hours, five climbers were dead, victims of the ferocious weather surrounding them. Using reconstruction and dramatic archive