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G'day mate, how are you, Greg Combet.

Tonight at 7:30 - Greg Combet's uphill battle to win over the locals.

I've got a lot to learn.

And the deposed member who could prove his biggest hurdle.

I haven't ruled out standing as an Independent.

And, are we winning the war against drugs? A bleak view from one of the world's best-selling crime

Drugs are easier to get, cheaper to get and they're more potent. That war is lost.


Howard plans response to greenhouse challenges

Howard plans response to greenhouse challenges

Broadcast: 31/05/2007

Reporter: Michael Brissenden

Having resisted pressure for some years to embrace any form of carbon trading or setting targets to
reduce greenhouse gas emissions, the Prime Minister is tonight on the verge of embracing both as he
considers a task force report he commissioned on the Australian climate change response. He was at
pains to stress today, that his reponse, which will come within days, will not risk any adverse
economic impact. But industry, environmental and political observers are all keen to do their own
evaluations on whether the Prime Minister's targets will genuinely address the greenhouse
challenge, not to mention his own substantial political headache.


KERRY O'BRIEN: And having resisted pressure for some years to embrace any form of carbon trading or
setting targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, the Prime Minister is tonight on the verge of
embracing both as he considers a task force report he commissioned on Australia's climate change

Having castigated Labor leader Kevin Rudd for embracing emission targets before considering their
impact on the Australian economy, Mr Howard is now expected to embrace much more conservative
targets than Labor. He was at pains to stress today that he will not risk any adverse economic
impact. But will it be possible to significantly reduce emissions without any economic impact?

Michael Brissenden reports.

MICHAEL BRISSENDEN: You know something's getting a lot of attention when it's generating its own
cliches. The hottest topic at the moment, a real change in the political climate, there's plenty of
them about. But it is clear that climate change will be one of the policy fault lines for the next
few months.

JOHN HOWARD, AUSTRALIAN PRIME MINISTER: Thank you very much, Dr Shergal, this is one of the most
eagerly-awaited reports that's been presented to the Government.

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: Today, the Prime Minister formally received the report from his own emissions
trading task force. He knows, as do his ministers and backbenchers, and the Opposition, that this
is a pivotal political issue.

again refer him to his Government's secret 2006 taxpayer-funded opinion poll.

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: Labor's been dining out on this leaked information for more than a week now.
They obviously have a pretty good source somewhere in the bureaucracy. The Opposition seems to know
almost everything about the Government's yet-to-be-approved ad campaign on climate change, and
drops a little bit more each day. Today they came to Question Time armed with some of the
Government's own research in the form of a poll that had been part of the ad agency's brief.

ANTHONY ALBANESE: Did the poll find that 94 per cent of respondents agreed that the climate was
changing and that the number of respondents who believed the Government had the prime
responsibility to act had almost doubled between 2003 and 2006. The same time the Government
changed its position or its rhetoric on climate change? Isn't it the case that the only thing the
Prime Minister is concerned about is the changing political climate, not climate change itself?

JOHN HOWARD: I don't know whether that poll exists or not, but I'll find out. Well he may, I don't
know who's got it. I'll make inquiries.

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: It's all a bit academic, anyway.

(excerpt from the film documentary An Inconvenient Truth)

AL GORE: The Arctic is experiencing faster melting. If this was to go, sea level worldwide will go
up 20 feet.

(end of excerpt)

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: After a long drought, unusually warm winters and Al Gore's inconvenient truth,
it's now accepted wisdom with politicians of all sides that climate change is here to stay as a
political issue. How to respond to it and how to get the voters to respond with their votes is now
the argument. Labor pledges to cut Australia's emissions by 60 per cent by 2050. That's the figure
recommended by Sir Nicholas Stern. He recommends a target of 30 per cent by 2020. Labor stops short
of accepting that one but according to the electricity generating industry to have any hope of
reaching the 60 per cent target we would have to introduce a carbon tax of at least $40 a tonne.

JOHN BOSHIER, NATIONAL GENERATORS FORUM: The $40 a tonne figure is a very high price on carbon
dioxide. It would increase wholesale electricity prices by over 100 per cent. It would double them
and retail prices would go up about 40 per cent.

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: The Prime Minister argues that's simply economically unacceptable. He's staking
out a far more conservative approach. There will be some long-term targets, he says, but they won't
have a negative economic impact.

We don't, of course, know exactly what's in his emissions trading report. But those who feel
confident enough to take an informed guess think the Prime Minister will settle on a carbon price
of between $5 and $10 a tonne. Enough to ensure we meet Kyoto targets but a price so low that it
will have very little real impact. In fact, the Greens say such a figure would be

CHRISTINE MILNE, AUSTRALIAN GREENS: It's just not even credible. We would be seen as a joke around
the world and, in fact, the worst thing that could happen for Australia is the Prime Minister to
intervene now to try and drive such a low and weak regime that it somehow prevented real action

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: The Greens, of course, want targets of up around 80 per cent by 2050. John
Howard certainly won't go anywhere near that. But even the electricity generators agree nothing
much will happen without some caps and a carbon price of at least $20 a tonne.

JOHN BOSHIER: $20 per tonne is enough to trigger new technology. It would certainly trigger nuclear
power. It probably would not trigger clean coal. Clean coal needs to come down in price if it is to
be triggered to that level. So it would certainly involve a lot of response by us in our homes. If
we see that kind of price, that kind of increase in price of, let's say, 20 per cent and it's a
sustained increase in price, then I'll be using my air conditioner less, I'll be using my jerseys a
bit more to wear rather than turning up the heating. There'll be just more efficient use of energy
in the house. And the generators would certainly welcome that.

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: But for the politicians, carbon prices and climate change response is at this
pointy end of the cycle, all about votes. Mr Howard says Australia should form its own response and
not accept international responses to this global crisis. But Labor thinks that perhaps the Prime
Minister should be aware that foreigners may hold not just the key to environmental survival, but
perhaps political survival, as well.

ANTHONY ALBANESE: Is the Prime Minister aware of comments made by the Republican Governor of
California Arnold Schwarzenegger on 11 April 2007, regarding the fate of political leaders that
don't respond to climate change. And I quote, "Your political base will melt away as surely as the
polar ice caps, I can guarantee you that. You will become a political penguin on a smaller and
smaller ice floe that is drifting out to sea." Is the governor right?

JOHN HOWARD: I follow the comments of the Governator very closely, but I haven't seen that one. But
I do know this, that the state that he governors derives 28 per cent of its electricity from
nuclear power.

MICHAEL BRISSENSEN: This debate has a long way to run yet. Labor clearly believes it has a policy
response that reflects the public mood. John Howard is gambling that his approach will appeal more
to voters' concerns about the domestic economy and reinforce the perception that in this area Labor
is a risk. Only one of them can be right. Perhaps this is the real test of who is the cleverest

KERRY O'BRIEN: Michael Brissenden.

Combet painted as Charlton outsider

Combet painted as Charlton outsider

Broadcast: 31/05/2007

Reporter: Scott Bevan

Part of the impetus Kevin Rudd has been able to muster since coming to the leadership six months
ago, has come from high-profile recruits who have been parachuted into Labor pre-selection - from
soldiers to broadcasters, to ACTU leader Greg Combet. But as the union boss is already discovering,
the inside running to a relatively safe Labor seat invariably comes at a cost, in his case stirring
up a nest of hornets over the dumping of sitting member Kelly Hoare. And although Greg Combet can
claim a family connection to the Hunter Valley, near where the seat of Charlton is located, he is
already being painted as an outsider.


KERRY O'BRIEN: Part of the impetus Kevin Rudd has achieved in his short time as leader, has come
from high-profile recruits who've been parachuted into Labor pre-selection. From soldiers to
broadcasters, to ACTU leader Greg Combet. But as the union boss is already discovering, the inside
running to a relatively safe Labor seat invariably comes at a price, in his case stirring up a
hornet's nest over the dumping of sitting member Kelly Hoare. And he's already being painted as an

Scott Bevan reports.

SCOTT BEVAN: Greg Combet is wandering among the footprints of his forebears. In 1908, Alex Combet
emigrated from France to work here in the Hunter Valley vineyards. A century on, his great grandson
is hoping to plant his future in this region.

GREG COMBET, LABOR CANDIDATE: Well, I feel that I'm revisiting my past and I feel in a sense that
I'm coming to the region at least where the Combets started in Australia and it is one thing that's
influenced my thinking.

BRIAN MCGUIGAN: Great to see you Greg.

GREG COMBET: How are you?

FAY MCGUIGAN: Very well.

SCOTT BEVAN: Through the vines, long-standing friendships have grown for the unions' leader,
including with vignerons Brian and Fay McGuigan.

FAY MCGUIGAN: And there's Greg. Isn't that you?

GREG COMBET: Yeah, that's me. (laughter)

BRIAN MCGUIGAN: It's great to have you coming home.

SCOTT BEVAN: Yet Greg Combet is not universally seen as a prodigal son coming home. Rather, as the
ALP candidate for the Federal seat of Charlton in the Hunter Valley, some in the electorate view
Greg Combet as an outsider from Melbourne being pushed onto them.

KELLY HOARE, LABOR MP: When they've seen their local under threat and under attack and under
vicious attack, they don't like it because I'm one of them.

SCOTT BEVAN: Kelly Hoare is the current Member for Charlton. She's held the seat for the ALP since
1998, taking over from her father who was the local member for 14 years. But Kelly Hoare has lost
the backing of her party for the next election, with the national executive preselecting Greg
Combet instead.

KELLY HOARE: The whole way that the process occurred was indecent, offensive, insulting. And I'm
just extremely disappointed about the whole, about the way the whole sorry saga has played out.

GREG COMBET: It's been tough on you, it's been tough on me, it's been tough on everyone.

SCOTT BEVAN: With the rank and file denied the chance to vote for a candidate, some local branch
members are incensed by the preselection process.

BERNARD GRIFFIN, LABOR BRANCH MEMER: I think it could be described as appalling. No input from
branch members, no-one had the decency to come up and talk to branch members about the process.

GREG COMBET: Well, that's a decision of the Labor Party and national conference. I'm not
responsible for determining what process was followed. I'm responsible for putting my name forward
to be considered.

SCOTT BEVAN: Greg Combet says he nominated after a lot of thinking about what a move from Melbourne
would mean for his family and what a shift from his role as ACTU secretary would mean for his
career. And for the campaign against the Government's industrial relations changes.

GREG PIPER, STATE MP FOR LAKE MACQUARIE: We're hoping that we're going to be able to sustain and
we're determined to, a strong campaign all the way up to the next election and beyond, if

SCOTT BEVAN: But he denies choosing to stand as a political candidate amounts to him bailing out of
the ACTU's IR fight.

GREG COMBET: Let me squarely address that, I am not bailing out of anything. I don't see the two
things as separate issues in the sense. I will be campaigning at a local level in the electorate of
Charlton against the Howard Government's IR laws.

SCOTT BEVAN: Just a day after she was dumped as the ALP candidate, Kelly Hoare saw her life in the
headlines for other reasons, with a newspaper report publishing allegations that she'd
propositioned a Commonwealth car driver a few weeks earlier. The following day another article
reported another alleged incident involving Ms Hoare at Parliament House several years ago. Kelly
Hoare says she can't recall the recent event reported, however...

KELLY HOARE: The alleged incident wouldn't have occurred if my endorsement wasn't under threat.

SCOTT BEVAN: What do you mean by that?

KELLY HOARE: Uh, what was reported to me occurred because of extreme stress and the extreme
pressure that I was under, because of the speculation that had been going on for months in the
media surrounding my preselection.

SCOTT BEVAN: Kelly Hoare believes the leaks that led to the reports came from within her own party.

KELLY HOARE: I believe that those reports were leaked to try to legitimatise the process during
which I was so unceremoniously dumped.

GREG COMBET: I was appalled by those leaks of those things. I don't support that, had nothing to do
with it, and I think it's really unfortunate that it occurred. Kelly Hoare was under enough
pressure because of the preselection process without having that lumped on top.

SUPPORTER OF GREG COMBET: The guy that owns the pub down here, the branch member apparently has a
shop front directly next door.

GREG COMBET: In a sparse campaign office, Greg Combet has been trying to get his bearings on a seat
that meanders along Lake Macquarie. It's a mixed bag, accommodating sea changers and leisure
seekers. As well as pockets of industry.

GREG COMBET (greeting a factory worker): G'day mate, how are you? Greg Combet.

SCOTT BEVAN: As he's juggling both roles of ACTU secretary and political candidate, Greg Combet's
spending only some of his time in the electorate.

GREG COMBET: I'm in the process of moving up to the electorate from Melbourne and fazing out of my
role at the ACTU.

SCOTT BEVAN: But the doubts come even from the factory floor.

LOCAL FACTORY WORKER: You're from Melbourne, but you're not from this area, how do you think you're
going to go with local issues and domestic issues of the area?

GREG COMBET: The first thing is as you've rightly identified I'm not from the area. I've got a lot
to learn.

SCOTT BEVAN: Is that your biggest hurdle, that you're from the outside?

GREG COMBET: That's up to the people here to judge.

SCOTT BEVAN: What do you judge? What's your reading of it?

GREG COMBET: Well that's always going to be a challenge in the circumstances I've sought and gained
preselection here.

SCOTT BEVAN: With an 8.4 per cent margin Charlton is considered a safe Labor seat, but so was the
State electorate of Lake Macquarie until the recent NSW elections. It was wrested away by the
Independent candidate and local mayor, Greg Piper, who's also been paid a visit by the new
candidate. But Greg Piper doubts history will be repeated in the federal election.

GREG PIPER, STATE MP FOR MACQUARIE LAKE: There's no obvious contender out there at this point in
time and I think for a similar event to occur in the Federal seat you would need to know who that
person was now. They'd have to be out there. They would have to be very high-profile.

KELLY HOARE: If there were a strong independent candidate who stood, I think there would be a huge
backlash. I don't think necessarily that rusted-on Labor voters are going to vote Liberal.

SCOTT BEVAN: Are you going to stand as a candidate?

KELLY HOARE: I haven't ruled out standing as an independent.

GREG COMBET: Well, that's a matter that's a democratic right for Kelly Hoare what she might
ultimately decide to do. But I'm the Labor candidate who's been preselected and I'll be running as
the Labor candidate.

SCOTT BEVAN: Will you be worried how much that does split your potential vote?

GREG COMBET: Let's wait and see what happens. It's a long way to go yet.

SCOTT BEVAN: Kelly Hoare is still considering legal action over what she considers her unfair
dismissal. Something she finds ironic, given the ALP and union's campaign for workers' rights.

KELLY HOARE: And more ironic that the person who has taken my job spearheaded that campaign.

GREG COMBET: As a politician you're putting yourself up for election every three years. It is not
an employment relationship. You're a servant of the electorate and a representative of your
political party and it's not akin to an unfair dismissal in any way, shape or form.

SCOTT BEVAN: Greg Combet is still finding his way along new streets seeking a new career. Less than
a year ago, this is what he told Australian Story.

GREG COMBET: I'm not sure that I'd even make a good politician, actually.

GREG COMBET: I was sincere when I made that statement but I've made this decision and I hope to be
able to prove to be useful. But time will tell. This is a change in job, a change in career for me.

SCOTT BEVAN: If you're not sure, how can anyone else be, especially when they're at the ballot box?

GREG COMBET: People will judge me by my performance and how effectively I campaign in this

KERRY O'BRIEN: They will indeed. Scott Bevan with that report.

Crime writer considers US war on drugs

Crime writer considers US war on drugs

Broadcast: 31/05/2007

Reporter: Kerry O'Brien

The US has increasingly focused on the War on Terror since September 11, while the much longer War
on Drugs has taken a back seat. Yet the nation still spent a staggering $17 billion last year alone
waging the drug war. After a 30-year campaign, largely targeting suppliers from Mexico and
Colombia, it is questionable whether it can ever be won.

Crime writer Don Winslow is a walking oracle on the issue, turning years of research into a deeply
violent but powerful book called The Power of the Dog. Having grown up with the children of his
neighbourhood mafia bosses, he has in a sense been studying the criminal mind all his life. Kerry
O'Brien catches up with Winslow, who is in Australia for the Sydney Writers Festival.


KERRY O'BRIEN: Given America's increasing focus on its war on terror since 9/11, the nation's much
longer war on drugs, has taken something of a back seat. Yet the nation still spent a staggering
$17 billion last year alone, waging the drug war. But after a 30 year campaign, largely targeting
suppliers from Mexico and Colombia, it's questionable whether it can ever be won.

Crime writer Don Winslow is a walking oracle on the issue, turning years of research into a deeply
violent but powerful book called The Power of the Dog. Having grown up with the children of his
neighbourhood mafia bosses, Winslow, has in a sense been studying the criminal mind all his life.
In fact the film rights for his latest book, The Winter of Frankie Machine, about a mafia hit man
who's hounded out of a respectable retirement as the target of a hit himself, was snapped up by
Robert de Niro even before it was published.

Don Winslow is in Sydney for the local writers festival, where I caught up with him.

KERRY O'BRIEN: Don Winslow, there's an interesting contrast for me between your two most recent
books The Power of the Dog, riddled with violence, brutality, ruthless desensitised men on both
sides of the law. Whereas Winter of Frankie Machine centres around a retired Mafia hit man who by
contrast is quite likeable, despite his own history of brutality. What's your take on that?

DON WINSLOW, CRIME WRITER: I was trying in The Power of the Dog to write a brutally accurate in
your face, if you will, description of 30 years in the war on drugs. And the effect that that had
on people. That process took me five years of research and interviewing and living with that book
and rewriting that book. At the end of which I have to tell you I was pretty depressed.

KERRY O'BRIEN: The level of violence described in The Power of the Dog can't be understated. Do you
think as a writer that you've been able to reach an understanding of how human beings can inflict
such systematic cruelty, or like most people, do you still struggle to understand it even though
you've immersed yourself in it?

DON WINSLOW: I struggle to understand it. You know I never intended to write that book. That book
started as a question. I woke up one morning and 19 men children and women had been slaughtered
just over the border in Mexico in a little beach town the I'd go to play in for cheap weekends.

And so I started to ask myself the questions, how could this happen? I found myself reading books
with titles like The Problem of Evil. I guess when you can't read yourself into a solution you try
to write yourself into a solution and that's what happened with The Power of the Dog. I started to
research it; the war on drugs, these cartels, these people, to try to find out, how do you get to
that point? How do you get to that point where that level of violence is acceptable and

KERRY O'BRIEN: You still struggle to understand it even now?

DON WINSLOW: I still struggle to understand it. I wish I could come with some sort of answer. I'd
love to share it. But I don't understand it. The best I can do is you come to it a step at a time.
That as you confront certain things that you thought were boundaries and you cross them then the
next boundary's easier and the next boundary's easier and the next boundary's easier and that's the
best I can come to it.

KERRY O'BRIEN: Was there a point in the research where it became at all clear to you whether a
point has been reached in the history of that war on drugs in the United States ... was lost?

DON WINSLOW: The only thing that you have to ask yourself about the war on drugs is where is the
easiest place in the country to buy drugs? The answer is jail. To me that says all you need to know
about the criminal model. After 30 some odd years of this war drugs are easier to get, cheaper to
get and they're more potent. That war is lost, then we should abandon it and move onto another way
of dealing with this problem. I get crazy on this topic, I really do.

KERRY O'BRIEN: But politically that war has to be seen to be waged in that way, doesn't it?

DON WINSLOW: It's the third rail of American politics. You're quite right. Any time a politician
has come out and tried to have an honest conversation about drugs that politician is defeated in
the next election. He sets him or herself up as a target. Nevertheless we need to have that
conversation. Look, 70 some odd per cent of the people occupying American jail and prison cells are
there on drug related charges. The social costs of that are mind boggling. Whereas at the same time
unless you have blue chip health insurance and I'm going to argue that most drug addicts don't.
There's a two to three-year waiting list to get a bed to get into treatment. That's just insanity.
That drug addict is not going to make it that two or three years without dying or committing a
crime that puts him or her in jail.

KERRY O'BRIEN: Frankie Machine, on the other hand, Mafia hit man. But I think you quite liked the
character, and I did as a reader.

DON WINSLOW: Coming out of The Power of the Dog I wanted to go back to a simpler and more human
sort of story and these were the guys I grew up with. I grew up in a mob controlled neighbourhood
in the little state of Rhode Island on the east coast of the United States. When I was a kid these
were the guys around in the neighbourhood. They were the guys who gave you nickels and quarters to
buy comic books and ice cream cones and the younger version of them the "mob wannabes" were 19 and
20 were the guys who hung around the neighbourhood and protected you, kept you out of trouble and
kept trouble from getting to you. So they were not frightening characters to me.

KERRY O'BRIEN: So the bottom line is they still represent brutality and ruthlessness. But it's
almost like the Mafia has become a part of the American family now, isn't it?

DON WINSLOW: I think the Mafia is iconic in American culture and certainly in American pop culture
since The Godfather and Goodfellas a lot of films, and now of course, The Sopranos on TV. They're
brutal. What I wanted to write about in Frankie Machine though, was a guy who saw himself a little
differently. You can get guys who are sadistic and brutal. I think Frankie considers himself a
soldier in an army like a lot of other armies and deals with guys who know what the rules are
coming in. They don't go out and kill civilians or spray machine gun fire all over the place. It's
guys who bought into a brutal world. They know what they're there for, they know what might happen.
In that sense, it's kind of fair enough.

KERRY O'BRIEN: But they were also selling drugs that were destroying lives?

DON WINSLOW: Some of the Mafia certainly were, other parts of it were not. The Gambino family
famously ordered its people not to sell those drugs. Others were certainly involved in that, no
question about it.

KERRY O'BRIEN: But I suppose that's what I'm getting at, can you as a writer find it easy to
humanise people who represent brutality in one form or another? Even if he was doing it in a clean
way by his own code, Frankie Machine was a killing machine, that's what he was. And he was
associated with people who sold drugs that destroyed lives.


KERRY O'BRIEN: But we end up liking Frankie?

DON WINSLOW: I think you do. You don't find it easy, you know. But I don't know if it's a matter of
humanising him because whether we like it or not, he's a human. We're in the same species, yeah.
And I wanted to try to write that accurately and well and from the inside. I don't think it's good
enough as a crime writer to kind of step outside and then point to a character and say, "He's bad",
because then I think you end up with a silhouette, this one dimensional black figure on a field of
your own ethical pure white. I don't think that's good enough.

KERRY O'BRIEN: You've described yourself as a compulsive writer, although you came to writing
relatively late. What's it like living with that kind of compulsion?

DON WINSLOW: 90 per cent of the time I love it. I start work at 5 in the morning and I have a
wicked insomnia problem. Now I'm going to sound crazy and I'll regret this, but because the
character is kind of yapping at night. Other times I think it's an addiction to which there's no
cure, you know, and on its bad days I wish I didn't have that compulsion and wish that I felt happy
doing something else and typically after I finish a book I say to my wife, "I'm going to take a few
weeks off" and she pretends to believe me very kindly. My record's five days.

KERRY O'BRIEN: (laughs) Over how many years?

DON WINSLOW: Coming on 16 or 17 years now, I guess.

KERRY O'BRIEN: Where the longest you've gone without seriously sitting down to write is five days?

DON WINSLOW: That's correct.

KERRY O'BRIEN: That is an addiction?

DON WINSLOW: It's terrible, isn't it? I wish there was like a Betty Ford I could go to can and
check in.

KERRY O'BRIEN: How do you feel when you have put the last sentence on a book you've closed, you've
closed that manuscript off and sent it off, do you instantly start worrying about the next one, or
you started worrying about it before?

DON WINSLOW: Before, long before. I typically write two to three books at a time. The attention
span of a gerbil on crack, I guess. But I like switching animal metaphors. I like having a lot of
ponies in the corral, so if one gets tired I jump on the other one and ride it to death.

KERRY O'BRIEN: So you're going to die writing by the sound of it?

DON WINSLOW: Oh yeah, absolutely, I had this conversation with Richard Ford the other night who
said he didn't want to topple over on his desk. And I'm thinking, "I do, that would be a great way
to go". Not soon, I hope. (laughs)

KERRY O'BRIEN: Don Winslow, thanks for talking with us.

DON WINSLOW: Thank you for having me.

Clarke and Dawe: Team Rudd

Clarke and Dawe: Team Rudd

Broadcast: 31/05/2007

Reporter: John Clarke, Bryan Dawe

John Clarke and Bryan Dawe present their assessment of Team Rudd.


KERRY O'BRIEN: John Clarke, Bryan Dawe with their assessment of Team Rudd.

(John Clarke as Federal Opposition Leader Kevin Rudd)

BRYAN DAWE: Righto Kevin, how are you feeling mate?

JOHN CLARKE: Pretty good, Pretty good, pretty fit. Thanks. Should be a good series, I'm enjoying it
so far. The boys are very pumped in training, yeah very pumped indeed.

BRYAN DAWE: It's been a tricky week, though, how did you go sorting this stuff out with your wife?

JOHN CLARKE: The business stuff, it's sorted out. No problem there.

BRYAN DAWE: She's cool?

JOHN CLARKE: She's cool, yeah. What was the trouble again?

JOHN CLARKE: I'm a club captain and she's got a business running the club canteen.

BRYAN DAWE: $170 million business?

JOHN CLARKE: It goes alright the business, Bryan, it goes alright. (laughs)

BRYAN DAWE: More than you're worth, isn't it?

JOHN CLARKE: I've only got a few years at the top, she's in it for the long haul. We didn't want
there to be any perceived conflict of interest.

BRYAN DAWE: You're going to step down as captain?

JOHN CLARKE: No bugger that, she's selling the canteen business.

BRYAN DAWE: Oh I see. What about the team, any late changes?

JOHN CLARKE: No, providing everyone's fit, the team is named. Yes.

BRYAN DAWE: Who selected the side here?

JOHN CLARKE: I did Bryan, yeah.

BRYAN DAWE: Hey Kevin, you can't play in every position?

JOHN CLARKE: I reckon we'll win. We won't have too much complaining if we keep winning, I reckon.

BRYAN DAWE: Who are you playing?

JOHN CLARKE: We're playing John's outfit.

BRYAN DAWE: Yeah, but hang on a minute. Half back Kevin, fullback Kevin?

JOHN CLARKE: Yep, that's right. Keep going, there's a player in every position Bryan.

BRYAN DAWE: They're all you?

JOHN CLARKE: Joe Hockey is not me.

BRYAN DAWE: Does he play for you?

JOHN CLARKE: I'll ring him Saturday morning, see how he's going.

BRYAN DAWE: John is good in a tight spot?

JOHN CLARKE: We are, too. We've been in tighter spots than John. John hasn't been defeated in a

BRYAN DAWE: On the wing, Kevin on one wing, Kevin on the other?

JOHN CLARKE: That's right.

BRYAN DAWE: Centre, Kevin.

JOHN CLARKE: Good centre, need a good centre, very commanding position, centre, yeah.

BRYAN DAWE: Have you got a match plan?

JOHN CLARKE: Oh, yeah.

BRYAN DAWE: What is it?

JOHN CLARKE: Beat John's outfit.

BRYAN DAWE: Do you know what John's going to do?

JOHN CLARKE: Yeah well John's announced publicly that he reckons his side is going to be
anal-high-elated or something...

BRYAN DAWE: Annihilated?

JOHN CLARKE: Yeah, there. And so he's obviously going for the underdog status.

BRYAN DAWE: The underdog thing?

JOHN CLARKE: He wants to be a big hero when they win it from nowhere.

BRYAN DAWE: Yeah right. Do you think this will work the underdog thing?

JOHN CLARKE: No, no. I reckon we're a better side, as I say.

BRYAN DAWE: Remember it worked last time?

JOHN CLARKE: We're a much better side now than we were last time. We're a hell of a lot better now

BRYAN DAWE: What are you going to do if this bloke gets hurt or if there's an injury?

JOHN CLARKE: He's tough, Kevin.

BRYAN DAWE: Where are your reserves here?

JOHN CLARKE: The reserves are down the bottom.

BRYAN DAWE: Kevin, Kevin, Kevin.

JOHN CLARKE: We've got depth on the bench.

BRYAN DAWE: You think you'll be alright?

JOHN CLARKE: I reckon we'll go alright. I'm so confident I'll give you 100 bucks if these other
clowns turn up at the right venue.

BRYAN DAWE: Fair enough, good on you Kevin.

JOHN CLARKE: Give it to me, I'll kick it - oh, sorry.

We'll be back with the 7.30 Report on Monday. But for now, goodnight.