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Tuesday, 2 December 1986
Page: 3207


Senator JESSOP(10.40) —I do not want to delay the Senate for very long but I feel disposed to object to an action taken by the Government recently. In an answer to what was obviously a dorothy dix question from Senator Childs on Friday last, Senator Gareth Evans, representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs (Mr Hayden), informed the Senate and the people of Australia that an invitation had been extended to Mr Oliver Tambo to visit Australia during the seventy-fifth anniversary of the African National Congress in 1987. In the course of his answer I pointed out quite strongly that the ANC was a group of terrorists and had some sympathy with the South African Communist Party and that, therefore, I object to this invitation being extended to Oliver Tambo. I believe that the majority of Australians would support my point of view, not necessarily because of Mr Tambo's political convictions which, like the convictions of many members of the Australian Labor Party, seem somewhat blurred, but because he is the leader of a terrorist organisation and because he has actively encouraged the horrifying practice of murdering fellow blacks in South Africa by the necklace method.

Honourable senators may be unaware of this diabolical method used to kill people. A tyre is placed over the shoulders of the victim and is then filled with petrol or diesel. Diesel, apparently, is preferred because it causes more pain. The burning fuel ignites the tyre, which rapidly attains a temperature of between 400 and 500 degrees centigrade. As the tyre burns, great clouds of smoke spiral upwards and short chain hydrocarbon fumes are emitted which, when inhaled by the victim, destroy the lining of the throat and lungs. The rubber also begins to melt and runs down the neck and torso, burning deep into the flesh and tissue. The victim is now a living corpse and takes 20 minutes or so to die. During this period the victim's family is forced to witness the cruel murder of the father or mother.

In the first four months of this year 250 people were murdered in this fashion by the ANC and its supporters, about the same number of people as were murdered in a similar fashion in the last three months of 1985. The crime of the victims is usually that they are law-abiding citizens whose only offence is opposition to communism and the ANC and displaying a willingness to co-operate with the Government in ensuring the peaceful evolution of change in South Africa.

I would like to consider briefly the composition of the ANC National Executive. The Chairman, as I have said, is Oliver Tambo. Tambo has been a communist but there is some doubt about his current professed political beliefs. From this distance I am not prepared to make any further judgments on that matter. His organisation is in coalition with, and largely dominated by, members of the South African Communist Party. The head of the military wing of the ANC is Joe Slovo, who is also the Chairman of the South African Communist Party. Honourable senators with a knowledge of the modern history of communist revolutionaries would be aware of their method of presenting as broad a front as possible to gain internal and external sympathy and support. Once a victory is achieved, the military wing takes over, imprisoning or executing its pre-victory allies. As an example I refer to the South Vietnamese National Front. Since the fall of Saigon I do not think anyone has heard of that group. Senator Jeremiah Denton, who is the Chairman of the United States Senate Sub-committee on Security and Terrorism, in his report of 1982 stated, in relation to penetration of the ANC and the South West African People's Organisation, SWAPO, by agents of Moscow:

I hasten to add that it is not my view that the entire membership of these organisations is communist. History demonstrates, however, that the original purpose of the ANC and SWAPO has been subverted and that the Soviets and their allies have achieved alarmingly effective control over them.

In 1985, and the situation has not changed much since then, of an ANC executive of 30, all but six were either members of the South African Communist Party or active supporters of that Party. I have shown the list of the National Executive Committee of the ANC to Senator Gietzelt, and I seek leave to have it incorporated in Hansard.

Leave granted.

The list read as follows-

NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE ANC (1985)

In 1985 the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress consisted of the following 30 members. Those names that are highlighted are either members or active supporters of the SACP.

1. Oliver Tambo: President

2. Alfred Nzo: Secretary-General

3. Thomas Nkobi: Treasurer-General

4. Thabo Mbeki: Director of Information and Publicity

5. Chris Hani: Political Commissar of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK)

6. Moses Mabhida: Deceased

7. Dan Thloome: Deputy Secretary-General

8. Johnny Makatini: Chief of International Department

9. Henry Makgothi: Secretary of the Education Department

10. Simon Makana: Administrative Secretary

11. Gertrude Shope: Chief of the Women's Section

12. Stephen Diamini: President of SACTU

13. John Nkadimeng: Secretary-General of SACTU

14. Joe Modise: Commander of MK

15. Mzwal Piliso: Member

16. Robert Conco: Member

17. Jacob Zuma: ANC Representative in Mozambique

18. Florence Mophosho: Deceased

19. Joe Nhlanhla: Member

20. Joe Slovo: Chief of Staff of MK and Chairman of the SACP

21. Mac Maharaj: Member

22. Aziz Pahad: Prominent ANC/SACP member in London

23. Reginald September: Member

24. James Stuart: Member

25. Francis Meli: Editor of Sechaba

26. Polio Jordan: Member

27. Ruth Mompati: Member

28. Sizakele Sigxhashe: Former Director of Information and Publicity

29. Anthony Mongalo: Member

30. Cassius Make: Member


Senator JESSOP —Honourable senators will note that the Secretary-General, the Treasurer, the Political Commissar of the Umkhonto we Sizwe, which is the military wing, and the Commander of that wing are all prominent communists, whereas, apart from the President, the Chief of the International Department and the ANC representative in Mozambique are just fellow travellers. The preponderance of communists on the executive lends weight to the evidence of Bartholomeu Hlapane, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, who stated before the Denton committee:

All policy making in the ANC was first discussed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party.

Apartheid is abominable and has had detrimental effects upon the social and economic development, as well as the political development, of the black people of South Africa. Its removal involves improving the lot of black Africans on a broad front. Politically, the South African Government has chosen to give all South African citizens full participation in local government. However, far from accepting this as a major step in the development of political participation for the black population, the ANC has declared war on all black people participating in local government. The actions taken are reminiscent of the actions of the Viet Cong against village chiefs and schoolteachers in South Vietnam, who were murdered in the most violent manner as a means of terrorising the countryside. Oliver Tambo made this clear when speaking over Radio Addis Ababa on 6 August 1985, when he said:

We have achieved a good deal of progress in making South Africa ungovernable . . . for months we have maintained an uninterrupted offensive against the puppet local government authorities in the black urban areas as well as other state personnel in the townships, such as the police and the agents.

Nelson Mandela also confirmed this policy as late as August 1985, when he said:

There is no alternative to taking up arms. There is no room for peaceful struggle . . .

Mandela, 20 years previously, had stated at his trial:

In our country, the struggles of the oppressed people are guided by the South African Communist Party and inspired by its policies. We Communist Party members are the most advanced revolutionaries in modern history and are the contemporary fighting and driving force in changing the society and the world . . . The people of South Africa, led by the South African Communist Party will destroy capitalist society and build in its place socialism. The transition from capitalism to socialism and the liberation of the working class . . . cannot be effected by slow changes or by reforms, as reactionaries and liberals often advise but by revolution. One therefore must be a revolutionary and not a reformist.


Senator Kilgariff —A massacre.


Senator JESSOP —That is what it amounts to. Senator Kilgariff recognises that. Earlier this year I wrote to President Botha and urged him to release Mandela. I will quote the relevant paragraphs of my letter:

It is appreciated that the release of Nelson Mandela could cause some difficulties, as I feel personally that the ANC may jeopardise his safety for their own purposes.

However, I believe that if he could be released . . . this act would receive acclaim . . .

I believe too, that you should renew your willingness to negotiate with the ANC, as one of the black groups, but only on the condition that they publicly renounce violence, and ensure that their followers give it up . . .

President Botha, in his reply to me, wrote:

As far as Nelson Mandela is concerned I can only say that as soon as the ANC convince me that they are prepared to abandon violence as a means to achieve political ends, they will be welcome to have discussions with the South African Government. I have on many occasions stated this in public and at this stage I don't think it is appropriate for me to make any further concessions.

I believe that, confronted with someone of Mandela's intractability, our present Government would act in the same way as President Botha. Surely, a government has some responsibility to ensure that its citizens are protected from violence, reactionary methods of obtaining political fairness. I think it would be fair to say that we would be placed in a similar position. I know that President Botha would like to see Mandela out of prison. The South African Communist Party and the ANC, I believe, want him to remain in gaol. There are some indications that Mr Mandela would like to get out of goal, but I do not think he can afford to buck the Communist Party. There are many examples of what happens to those who do that.


Senator Kilgariff —Like a necklace.


Senator JESSOP —That is right. People in South Africa are frightened to co-operate with the Government in any case-black people particularly-because they get the necklace treatment if they show any inclination to contribute to peaceful evolution of change in that country. The record of the ANC, in its association with the South African Communist Party, is well established. For the Hawke Government to talk about its opposition to terrorism on one hand and to invite the head of a terrorist organisation to this country as the guest of the taxpayers of Australia on the other hand is quite reprehensible and is another example of the double standards of the Hawke socialist Government. I object to this quite strongly. I believe that what I have recorded for the benefit of the Senate is a very valid reason why the Government should re-examine its invitation to the leader of this terrorist organisation to come to Australia next year.