

- Title
GREATER SUNRISE UNITISATION AGREEMENT IMPLEMENTATION BILL 2004
CUSTOMS TARIFF AMENDMENT (GREATER SUNRISE) BILL 2004
In Committee
- Database
Senate Hansard
- Date
25-03-2004
- Source
Senate
- Parl No.
40
- Electorate
Tasmania
- Interjector
CHAIRMAN, The
McGauran, Sen Julian
- Page
21923
- Party
AG
- Presenter
- Status
Final
- Question No.
- Questioner
- Responder
- Speaker
Brown, Sen Bob
- Stage
In Committee
- Type
- Context
Bills
- System Id
chamber/hansards/2004-03-25/0085
Previous Fragment Next Fragment
-
Hansard
- Start of Business
- NOTICES
- BUSINESS
- LEAVE OF ABSENCE
- NOTICES
- OPTIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE CONVENTION AGAINST TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT
- HUMAN RIGHTS: BURMA
- PARLIAMENTARY ZONE
- COMMITTEES
- BILLS RETURNED FROM THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
- COMMITTEES
- PARLIAMENTARY ZONE
- KYOTO PROTOCOL RATIFICATION BILL 2003 [NO. 2]
- BUDGET
-
GREATER SUNRISE UNITISATION AGREEMENT IMPLEMENTATION BILL 2004
CUSTOMS TARIFF AMENDMENT (GREATER SUNRISE) BILL 2004-
In Committee
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- O'Brien, Sen Kerry
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Harris, Sen Len
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Harris, Sen Len
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Harris, Sen Len
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Harris, Sen Len
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Harris, Sen Len
- McGauran, Sen Julian
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Abetz, Sen Eric
- O'Brien, Sen Kerry
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Harris, Sen Len
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Division
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Stott Despoja, Sen Natasha
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Nettle, Sen Kerry
- Brown, Sen Bob
- Nettle, Sen Kerry
- Brown, Sen Bob
-
In Committee
- PRIVACY AMENDMENT BILL 2004
- DAIRY PRODUCE AMENDMENT BILL 2003
-
QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE
-
Taxation: Compliance
(Conroy, Sen Stephen, Coonan, Sen Helen) -
Australian Defence Force: Deployment
(Scullion, Sen Nigel, Hill, Sen Robert) -
Australian Defence Force: Deployment
(Evans, Sen Chris, Hill, Sen Robert) -
Resources: Investment
(Mason, Sen Brett, Minchin, Sen Nick) -
Australian Defence Force: Deployment
(Evans, Sen Chris, Hill, Sen Robert) -
Environment: Ranger Uranium Mine
(Allison, Sen Lyn, Macdonald, Sen Ian) -
Taxation: Capital Gains
(Webber, Sen Ruth, Coonan, Sen Helen)
-
Taxation: Compliance
- DISTINGUISHED VISITORS
- QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE
- DISTINGUISHED VISITORS
- QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE
- QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS
- MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS
- COMMITTEES
- DOCUMENTS
- DELEGATION REPORTS
- COMMITTEES
- AUSTRALIAN PUBLIC SERVICE: POLITICISATION
- DOCUMENTS
- ASSENT
- COMMITTEES
- ADJOURNMENT
- DOCUMENTS
-
QUESTIONS ON NOTICE
-
Foreign Affairs: Zimbabwe
(Brown, Sen Bob, Hill, Sen Robert) -
Social Welfare: Newstart and Youth Allowance
(Campbell, Sen George, Patterson, Sen Kay) -
Environment: National Reserve System Program
(Bartlett, Sen Andrew, Macdonald, Sen Ian) -
Environment: Threatened Species
(Bartlett, Sen Andrew, Macdonald, Sen Ian) -
Attorney-General's Department: Criminal Justice and Security Group
(Ludwig, Sen Joe, Ellison, Sen Chris)
-
Foreign Affairs: Zimbabwe
Page: 21923
Senator BROWN (11:56 AM)
—I think it would be fair for the minister to answer Senator Stott Despoja's simple question about the motivation for withdrawing from the ICJ and its ability to determine maritime boundaries as far as Australia is concerned. The failure to do so corroborates the obvious answer, which is yes, it was motivated by the forthcoming independence of Timor Leste and the recognition by the Australian government and the oil companies with it, including Woodside, that it would put under a cloud the determination in the Timor Gap Treaty, infamously agreed between Australia and Indonesia in 1989, that the boundaries would go against the interests of Timor Leste in favour of Australia. So it is an important amendment we bring forward here.
In response to Senator O'Brien's comments on why Labor would not support it, let me say that the parliament must always remain, and is constitutionally established as, the maker of the laws of this country and the ultimate determining authority. It is not the executive, it is not the Prime Minister and is not the Minister for Foreign Affairs; it is the parliament. When it comes to matters like the failure of the executive and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister to do the just and honourable thing, which is to have this matter referred to the International Court of Justice, of course, it is not only the prerogative but I believe the responsibility of the Australian parliament to address that shortcoming. The argument that this might delay this project is not ethical.
We have submissions from a number of East Timorese groups and their supporters talking about the bullying of Australia and the unseemly haste in getting East Timor to sign the treaty on Independence Day. I was there and I recognised at the time the misgivings in East Timor about that. We cannot get away from that. Let me read from the submission to the Senate from the East Timor Independent Information Centre for the Timor Sea. This is signed by 13 groups in East Timor, specifically by Demetrio do Amaral, the Director of the Haburas Foundation, the national environment organisation, but also by representatives of the East Timor NGO Forum, the East Timor Centre for Small Business Administration, The East Timorese Institute for Reconstruction Monitoring and Analysis, the East Timorese Women's Communication Forum, the East Timor Study Group, the Pro-Democratic Students' Movement—
Senator McGauran
—They got themselves well organised. I wonder who helped them.
Senator BROWN
—The government might sling off in that patronising fashion with that interjection about the East Timorese organisations but, on their behalf, I resent that. It is also signed by the President of the East Timorese Union Confederation, the Policy Analysis Division of the Human Rights Foundation, the Director of the Labour Advocacy Institute for East Timor, the Administrative Coordinator of the National East Timorese Students' Resistance, the Timor Socialist Workers' Union and the Coordinator of the Kdalak Suli Mutu, Maria Angelina Sarmento. In summary it says:
1. East Timor is a sovereign nation which has no maritime boundaries, and whose claims overlap those of Australia.
2. East Timor should not be subjected to illegal historical precedents or made to negotiate under pressure.
3. The current Treaty was written too quickly and, for example, does not adequately protect the marine environment.
4. Revenues from oil and gas in the disputed territory should be held in trust until the boundaries are agreed to based in principles of international maritime law.
Addressed to `Dear respected members of the Australian Parliament' it says well down in this very considered submission which has a trace of anguish built into it:
Under pressure by oil companies, Australia in turn—
having committed itself to resolving the maritime boundary question following the principles of international law—
pressured East Timor to sign the treaty within hours of becoming independent. This is not an appropriate way to relate to a new neighbour which is just developing governmental and democratic structures. This treaty, which has a 30-year term, will greatly affect East Timor's ability to meet this new nation's basic needs. More time must be taken to allow East Timorese people and their representatives to fully understand all aspects of the issue.
For example, the current treaty does not adequately protect East Timor or Australia's marine environment. As a new nation, East Timor has not had time to develop proper environmental laws or practices. It may be appropriate for us to rely on Australian law, but as a small, underdeveloped nation, East Timor may have different needs and concerns than Australia. Providing a stable environment for oil companies must not be prioritised over protecting the future of East Timor's sea, land, natural and human resources.
The groups involved go on to ask that we:
1. Do not ratify the Treaty which was signed by Australian Prime Minister John Howard and East Timorese Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri on 20 May 2002 in Dili.
2. Carry out a review of the 20 May 2002 Treaty with attention to the fact that East Timor should receive the oil and gas reserves in the Timor Sea in concordance with the rights and principles laid out by the international law of the sea.
3. Settle the question of maritime boundaries between the two nations in accordance with the principles of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), accepting the decision of the International Court of Justice on matters related to international maritime law.
4. Ask the Governments of Australia and East Timor to agree that all revenues from oil and gas fields in disputed territory must be held in a Trust Fund until there is settlement of the boundaries.
They go on to say:
We hope that this settlement can be arrived at by negotiation between Australia and East Timor, but if that fails, there must be impartial arbitration procedures available. After settlement, this Trust Fund will be divided based on the boundaries between the two nations.
There is a sense of appealing to our own sense of justice written through that. We then looked at a submission to the Senate from Ms Janet Hunt, who many will know is an Australian of extraordinary note who has had a long history in international affairs, social justice, the environment and Australia's ability to do the right thing when we are dealing with people overseas who are working at a disadvantage with a rich and powerful nation like ours. In her submission Ms Hunt says:
Over half of post-conflict societies return to conflict and the possibility of East Timor becoming a failed state should not be ruled out. This is not in Australia's interest, let alone East Timor's. One of the major factors in its ability to consolidate its democracy will be its ability to deliver some socio-economic benefits to its rapidly growing and young population, and for this it will need substantial revenue. Depriving it of revenue which it should be legally entitled to is not smart policy.
So it is important that we consider what is happening here. In response to the minister, I go back to the Australian Financial Review article from today headed `Timor explores new boundaries' by Rowan Callick, the Asia-Pacific editor. It finishes with a reference to the pressure building in the United States about this injustice. Other senators have referred to the appeal to the Australian government from 53 members of the US Congress marshalled by leading leftist Noam Chomsky. The article says:
Professor Chomsky, the principal fund-raiser for the East Timor Action Network in the US, which exercises strong lobbying power in Washington, said the network had shown the government of Australia “the world is watching as talks begin on a permanent maritime boundary with East Timor”.
“It is putting Australia's Prime Minister on notice that what is at stake in these negotiations are East Timor's rights as an independent nation to establish national boundaries and to benefit from its own resources,” he said. “Without public pressure, Australia profits by waiting out the exhaustion of the resources.”
The article goes on to say:
On March 9, members of Congress led by Massachusetts Democrat Barney Frank wrote to Prime Minister John Howard calling on Australia “to move seriously and expeditiously in negotiations with East Timor to establish a fair, permanent maritime boundary and an equitable sharing of oil and gas resources in the Timor Sea”.
The article concludes:
The US is building a massive embassy in Dilli.
Mr Alkatiri, who has accused Australia of deliberately dragging out the boundary negotiations, has hired American academic Peter Galbraith, who strongly criticised Canberra two years ago when he was employed by the United Nations in the team negotiating the Timor Sea Treaty with Australia.
That article, as I said, begins with the line, `East Timor is starting to walk away from what it sees as inadequate deals'. It goes on to say that East Timor is moving towards not ratifying the very matter we are ratifying through the vote coming up in the Senate today. That is because what we are being asked to ratify here is manifestly unjust. What we on the crossbenches are arguing is: bring the justice back into it, and give Australia the dignity that we are going to lose in the coming debate about this matter by doing so. It is as important for our country and our sense of justice as it is for the East Timorese struggling to build a strong democratic country, a near neighbour of ours, in the years ahead.
I have one further point to make on this. It is extremely important that the alternative government make it clear that the International Court of Justice will be brought back in as a dispute resolving mechanism if we can not get a decision between East Timor and Australia. I know Senator O'Brien made a submission a while ago, which was a good one. The Labor Party's policy, as amended, says that Labor recognises that the people of East Timor have the right to secure, internationally recognised borders with all neighbouring counties and that a future Labor government will negotiate in good faith with the government of East Timor in full accordance with international law and all its applications, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The Labor Party's policy says that, in government, Labor will do all things reasonably practicable to achieve a negotiated settlement within three to five years and that the conclusion of the maritime boundary should be based on the joint aspirations of both countries.
What is missing there is a clear indication that if the matter cannot be settled then the International Court of Justice will be given the arbitration power. I think it is very important that we hear that from the alternative government. It will make a difference to the people of East Timor, as well as to the many Australians who will increasingly see the injustice of the position that the current government has taken on this matter. (Quorum formed)
Question put:
That the amendment (Senator Brown's) be agreed to.