Senator LUDWIG (10:52 PM) —I rise to support the motion moved by Senator Alston. Today the Senate has heard from many speakers about the serious circumstances that confront both Timor and Australia. The speakers before me have touched on many matters of great concern. They have spoken about the horrors that have occurred in East Timor.

East Timor itself is situated just some 500 kilometres north-west of Darwin—about the same distance as from Brisbane to a country town called Roma in Queensland. Prior to the current turmoil, the population was around 800,000. East Timor has a long association with Australia; however, 1975 was a watershed for East Timor. In August 1975 the Portuguese colonial government withdrew, and the Revolutionary Front for the Independence of East Timor took control.

Shortly following this, independence occurred in late November 1975. It should have ended there. This was not to be. The annexation of Indonesia followed. Australia literally turned its back on this action, and the struggle in East Timor began. It did not start recently at the ballot box. It has been a long and difficult road, and the East Timorese have had to travel it mostly alone.

This government failed to act quickly for the East Timorese people. It is too easy to blame only the TNI. The East Timorese voted on 30 August 1999 under the eyes of the United Nations. The outcome of the ballot was announced on 4 September 1999. Dili was razed. Some call it `scorched earth'. Labels such as this disguise the true happenings in Dili. The reports that have reached us show a capital sacked and burned, with death and destruction everywhere. People are now hiding in the hills or have been forced into West Timor, and others have fled to Indonesia. It is too easy to describe this terrible result. The true work, the difficult work, is now to secure Timor; restore peace and order; rebuild East Timor; reconstruct schools, hospitals and homes; and pray that the people will return and that there exist facilitative mechanisms to promote this free flow of Timorese back to East Timor.

Our troops are now on the ground in East Timor. It is a difficult task that they face. They have my unqualified support. They will experience first-hand the matters that have been debated tonight in the Senate. There is, however, a question that we as a nation must face in this matter. We have the onerous task of slowly and methodically going over the chain of events that led to this terrible ordeal that descended upon the East Timorese people. We as a nation need to critically examine our role in this. We need to do this as a nation.

If we do not do this, other parties will. Some will draw adverse conclusions about our actions and our capacity to deal with the crises that confront Australia in its international role in its sphere of influence. By way of example, on 14 March 1999, Mr Brereton was saying that Labor had repeatedly called for the Howard government to give an in principle commitment to participate in a United Nations peacekeeping presence in East Timor. Mr Brereton said:

While the transition of East Timor to its future status is underway, it is vital that early international action be initiated to stabilise the situation on the ground and allow East Timorese people to determine their future, free from violence and intimidation.

Shortly after that, on 28 March, Mr Brereton said:

Plans to hold a ballot to decide East Timor's future may prove to be fraught with difficulty, indeed danger, in the absence of a process of disarmament verified by an effective United Nations peace keeping presence.

Mr Brereton's press statements as shadow minister for foreign affairs continued to point to the right path for Australia to take. However, the spirit of cooperation in politics failed. His messages were misinterpreted or bluntly ignored. We now have a force not of peacekeepers, as we really should have, but of soldiers who will need to restore law and order.

Clearly, our troops are there with our utter support. I pray that they will be kept safe. I do know that they are well-trained and capable soldiers. It is incumbent on government to ensure not only that their needs are now catered for but also that their families are not ignored and that they remain firmly in the loop. Efforts need to be made to ensure that good clear lines of communication are maintained for partners and families. In addition, it is necessary that the Minister for Defence reconsider the effect on the ADF of his policy on the fringe benefits tax. Symbols like this will send unqualified support to the ADF. In addition, it is necessary that, when they return, proper services are put in place to ensure that they are debriefed not only in the military sense but also because they will have experienced a range of circumstances that, gratefully, most Australians will never face.

The minister, Mr Downer, stated in a press statement on 20 September 1999 that Australia's lead role in the multinational peacekeeping force in East Timor `could be wound up before Christmas' and that INTERFET `would probably complete its task in three months'. I seek some comfort from this, but it is not enough to rely on this. The government must plan for contingencies. It is not enough to be hopeful that circumstances will draw to a close in three months.

However, it is critical that this government also look to the future and examine its ability to respond over time to this crisis and others. The government needs to assure the Australian community that it can and will maintain soldiers in the field for as long as it takes. It can be done; it requires planning now—planning that this government needs to take, such as making sure that the part-time army is well resourced and that a new cooperative spirit is put in place to ensure that employers recognise the contribution that they make and can make in times like this. Legislation to encourage job security for part-time soldiers and recognition of part-time service is long overdue.

I have received many faxes and emails from people who are concerned about the situation in East Timor. The faxes and emails call on us as politicians to do whatever is necessary to help restore law and order in East Timor. A concerned person from Toowoomba begged—and I am paraphrasing here—that we bring pressure to alleviate the suffering in East Timor. Another asked senators to use their influence to help East Timor. The email went on to say that they felt deep shame at the lack of effective action taken by our Prime Minister and the desperate state we have left these people in after encouraging them to vote for independence.

On a saddening note, some of the messages I have received do not portray Indonesia in a positive light. Efforts need to be put in to make it plain that our concern is not with the people of Indonesia. Some quarters may wrongly use this opportunity to drive a wedge between us and Indonesia or for other ill-conceived purposes. Australia is part of the Asia-Pacific region. Our place is to be understanding and caring, and to lead by example in the region. This does not mean that those individuals responsible for the horrors which have occurred should not be brought to account. It is clear that we must spend time reiterating this point.

It is also necessary to recognise the contribution of our union movement. It has taken action when the government was silent. Our humanitarian response has been and needs to be swift and generous. The safe haven visa is one response that is applauded. This government must not rest now; it must continue to challenge and explore all possibilities. In addition, community support for the ADF is to be encouraged. I encourage citizens to embrace programs that demonstrate support for our ADF.

Question resolved in the affirmative.