Senator ALSTON (Communications, Information Technology and the Arts) (2:00 PM) —I move:

That the Senate—

(a) notes the overwhelming choice for independence exercised by the East Timorese people on 30 August 1999;

(b) welcomes United Nations Security Council Resolution 1264 authorising a multinational force to restore peace and security in East Timor, protect the United Nations' mission in East Timor and facilitate humanitarian assistance;

(c) endorses Australia's agreement to the United Nations Secretary General's request that Australia contribute to and lead the multinational force;

(d) expresses its full support for the Australians serving with the multinational force and its full confidence in them; and

(e) looks forward to their safe return.

There is no more serious a decision for a government than to send its nation's armed forces abroad. There is no greater obligation on an Australian parliament than to consider carefully the reasons for that decision. Yesterday, the first contingent of Australian troops arrived in East Timor as part of an Australian led and United Nations mandated multinational peacekeeping force. As of this morning, there were about 1,500 troops from Australia and other countries in East Timor. By tomorrow morning, there will be about 2,500. In these circumstances, it is important that the government should report to the parliament on the reasons for the deployment of troops, what their task is and what the decision means for Australia's foreign and defence policy. It is an opportunity for the parliament to express its united support for the task ahead and for the special burden which Australia will inevitably bear as the leader of the multinational force in East Timor. Our armed forces are entitled to know they have the unqualified support of the Australian parliament and the Australian community.

On 15 September 1999, the United Nations Security Council unanimously authorised the establishment of a multinational force in East Timor. The resolution gives the force three tasks in its mandate: first, to restore peace and security to East Timor; second, to protect and support the United Nations mission in East Timor; and, third, to facilitate, within force capabilities, humanitarian assistance operations in East Timor. The multinational force has been authorised by the United Nations Security Council under chapter VII of the UN Charter to use all necessary measures to achieve its mandate. The multinational force will prepare the ground for the United Nations to complete its task of managing East Timor's transition to independence. This will involve the arrival as soon as possible of a fully-fledged Blue Helmet UN peacekeeping operation and the establishment of a UN transitional administration. The Australian government will be doing everything it can to ensure that the UN transitional administration is ready to take over when the Indonesian parliament ratifies East Timor's independence.

The government's expectation is that the multinational force will be about 7,500 strong. Australia is initially deploying 2,000 troops, increasing to 4,500 if necessary. Australia will provide the force commander, Major General Cosgrove, and Thailand the deputy force commander, Major General Songkitti. We estimate the cost of Australia's contribution to be in the order of $500 million in the financial year 1999-2000. Under the terms of the Security Council resolution, costs will be borne by participating states or met from voluntary contributions to a special trust fund that has been established by the United Nations.

We have firm commitments to participate from more than 12 countries. These include Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand from ASEAN. New Zealand, Britain and Canada are making valuable contributions. The United States will provide significant support, including airlift capability, communications, intelligence, engineering support and helicopters. There are many other contributions, including contributions from Korea and China. The Minister for Defence will provide fuller details separately. Some countries that are not contributing troops will contribute financially to the UN trust fund, and we welcome Japan's offer of a substantial contribution. The government particularly appreciates the support of all the countries that are contributing troops or financial assistance, especially Thailand which so promptly responded to the Prime Minister's request for assistance in providing a substantial military contingent as well as the deputy commander of the force. I draw the attention of the Senate to the very strong support offered by President Kim Dae-jung of Korea during his recent visit. Likewise, President Estrada of the Philippines and other leaders have given strong support to the UN multinational force.

Australia is not alone in this venture. The region has responded readily and promptly in creating this force with us under the umbrella of the United Nations. The government has every confidence in the professionalism of the Australian Defence Force and its preparedness for this operation. The units have inspired confidence by the speed with which they have got themselves ready and the proficiency with which they are deploying. We congratulate the Defence Force on this. The task facing our men and women is not easy. We hope it will be accomplished soon, but we have to be prepared for the possibility that it will be protracted. The risk of casualties is a serious one: this is a dangerous operation. The rules of engagement for Australia's forces will allow them to use lethal force to achieve their mandate to restore peace and security. Our troops will not be sent into danger with one hand tied behind their backs.

Indonesia has undertaken to cooperate with the multinational force. We welcome the fact that the force commander has been able to report that he has enjoyed good cooperation on the ground from the Indonesian commander in East Timor. It is the case, however, that the multinational force could be a target of attack from the pro-integration militias. It would be foolhardy to plan on any other basis. In the past, the militias have been supported by some in the Indonesian armed forces. We sincerely hope that all parts of the Indonesian armed forces understand that it would not be in the interests of their country to continue such support.

The formation of the multinational force is a result of strenuous efforts on the part of many, including the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr Kofi Annan. Through the recent negotiations establishing the peacekeeping force, he has displayed great diplomatic skill, patience, determination and a clear understanding of the issues at stake. The speed of the international community's response is due in good measure to his commitment.

Australia's leadership of the multinational force is the most recent step in a sustained effort by the government to help resolve the East Timor issue. Apart from the human toll from the conflict in East Timor during nearly 25 years, the issue has held Indonesia back internationally and has been a cause of tension in Australia's relationship with Indonesia. The resignation of President Suharto and the moves towards democracy last year in Indonesia opened the door to a possible resolution in East Timor. Moreover, the conflict in East Timor was worsening. The Prime Minister, Mr Howard, therefore wrote in December last year to President Habibie encouraging him to take a different approach to East Timor. The Prime Minister suggested to him that he negotiate directly with the East Timorese and consider the option of autonomy for East Timor with an act of self-determination after a substantial period of autonomy.

For a quarter of a century, governments of both persuasions in Australia had reluctantly acquiesced in Indonesia's policy towards East Timor. Although the issue was raised from time to time, Australian governments were not prepared to see the relationship with Indonesia damaged over East Timor. The Prime Minister's letter, therefore, represented a significant change in Australia's approach.

Subsequently, in January this year, President Habibie took the bold and principled step of agreeing to a UN supervised ballot on independence for East Timor. We indicated at the time that Australia would have preferred a longer period of substantial autonomy for East Timor before a ballot was held. We recognised, however, that once the decision had been taken to hold a ballot, the dynamics in East Timor and internationally had changed forever. The best and only realistic course of action was to help the United Nations ensure as safe a ballot as possible. If we had argued for a delay, the opportunity could well have been lost entirely.

Australia was not a party to the agreement among Indonesia, Portugal and the United Nations on the holding of the ballot and subsequent transition arrangements. This agreement was based on a promise by the Indonesian government that it would ensure security in East Timor throughout the process. The Australian government, well aware of the links between the armed forces and the East Timorese militias, mounted a sustained international campaign to press Indonesia to adhere to the commitment to provide security it had made to the United Nations.

In order to ensure an environment as free as possible of violence and intimidation, the Australian government insisted on an increase in civilian police advisers to some 300 before the ballot. We insisted that these numbers be again increased for the period immediately after the ballot which, we were aware, was potentially dangerous. Australia can be proud of the performance of our Federal Police, ably led by the UN civilian police commander, Alan Mills. Australian military liaison officers, the staff of the Australian consulate and many Australians, including from the Australian Electoral Commission, helped ensure a fair ballot. The government acknowledge their dedication and bravery in such difficult circumstances.

In the end, on a day that passed without major disruption, the outcome was decisive. East Timorese voted by a margin of four to one for independence. The turnout—with 98.6 per cent of those registered casting a vote—and the integrity of the process vindicated the United Nations' judgment to proceed with the ballot despite threats from the pro-integration militias. The conduct of the ballot was a tribute to the work of UNAMET and the leadership of its head, Ian Martin.

After the ballot, however, Indonesia's armed forces proved unwilling or unable to maintain security. We have all been horrified by the violence against the people of East Timor, by the mass flight of people within the territory and from it and by the scale of the destruction of property and infrastructure. This was the background to Australia's efforts to establish a multinational peacekeeping force under the United Nations and to convince Indonesia to invite one in.

In numerous telephone conversations with the United Nations Secretary-General, President Clinton, President Habibie and other regional leaders before, during and after the APEC meeting in Auckland, the Prime Minister, Mr Howard, emphasised the need for decisive international action to restore peace to East Timor, deal with the looming humanitarian disaster and create the conditions for the transition to independence for East Timor. It is to the great credit of President Habibie that he agreed to invite in international peacekeepers. This was a difficult decision for him personally and politically.

Ours has been the correct and only responsible course of action. Some have argued that Australia should have insisted on a UN peacekeeping force before the ballot or argued for a delay in the ballot. It cannot be emphasised too strongly, however, that there was never any prospect that Indonesia would have accepted a peacekeeping force before the ballot. It was raised directly by the Prime Minister with President Habibie in Bali in May. He made it clear that any such proposal was totally unacceptable to Indonesia. Insisting on a peacekeeping force would have meant no ballot. Insisting on a delay in the ballot could well have meant no ballot. Many in President Habibie's government and much of the Indonesian leadership opposed the ballot. Indonesia had resisted any change for East Timor over nearly 25 years.

Nor would the international community have been ready to form a peacekeeping force. An international peacekeeping force has only now become possible because the world has seen 78.5 per cent of East Timorese vote for independence and is not prepared to see them denied the independence they voted for. The United Nations made the decision that the ballot should go ahead on schedule. As the UN Secretary-General has said, if the United Nations had not accepted a ballot in the circumstances available, the ballot probably would not have happened. We did not have the right to take that away from the East Timorese.

In the face of the violence after the ballot, a few called for Australia to send troops to East Timor without the consent of Indonesia. That would have been tantamount to declaring war. It was an option no responsible government could have contemplated despite the distress we, along with all Australians, felt about the terrible events in East Timor. That has been recognised by the Australian people. Nevertheless, the international community has moved faster than in any other case of which we are aware to form a peacekeeping force. That has happened because of the leadership that Australia has shown in forming a coalition of countries under the UN umbrella. It has also happened only because the government, aware of the potential risks, took the precaution early this year of bringing an extra brigade of the Australian Army to a higher level of readiness in order to respond to any peacekeeping needs.

Developments in East Timor reaffirm some of the home truths about Australia's place in the region, to which we pointed when we came to office. The first truth is that foreign policy needs to be based on a clear sense of the national interest and on our values. As Lord Palmerston once pithily observed, `nations do not have permanent friends, only permanent interests'.

This government has from the beginning put a clear sense of the national interest at the core of the government's approach to foreign and trade policy. We should not delude ourselves that relations between counties turn on the personal rapport of leaders, the sentiment of governments or so-called special relationships. Our relationships are most productive when they are realistic, concentrating on mutual interest, building on those areas where cooperation is possible and openly recognising—where they exist—differences in values and political systems.

The second truth is that in occupying what the Prime Minister has called a unique intersection—a Western nation next to Asia with strong links to the United States and Europe—Australia deploys unique assets in its relationship with Asia. These links and our history are not an embarrassment to be lived down. We have stopped worrying about whether we are Asian, in Asia, enmeshed in Asia or part of a mythical East Asian hemisphere; we have got on with the job of being ourselves. In turn the region has recognised that we are an asset to our region and have a constructive role to play in it. Australia's global links have enabled us to work with the United Nations, the United States and others to persuade Indonesia that their best interests would be met by inviting in a multinational force. Moreover, our defence links with all these countries, through ANZUS, the five-power defence arrangements and our bilateral defence cooperation programs, provide us with a capacity to cooperate effectively with them and lead a multinational force.

Third, Australia's alliance with the United States does work. The results reflect the effort the government have put into strengthening the alliance since we came to office. Neither Australia nor the region looks to the United States to solve the East Timor problem, but the alliance relationship has underpinned a visible and operationally significant US contribution to the peacekeeping force. We are completely satisfied with the scale of the US contribution.

Fourth, the government has been right to exempt defence spending from the necessary budget cuts of our first term. The defence reforms we have pursued have put more resources into the combat capability of the Defence Force. The need to examine an increase in defence spending has already been foreshadowed. Australia faces an uncertain regional security situation. The resource and force structure implications of this will be significant. The government's next white paper on defence will examine the likely demands on the ADF for regional peacekeeping, the evacuation of Australian nationals under difficult conditions and the capacity to participate in coalition operations. While the Defence Force must be equipped to defend Australia from direct attack, it must also be able to respond to other more likely contingencies.

Finally, national interest cannot be pursued without regard to the values of the Australian community. Australia has no quarrel with the Indonesian nation. Both countries have an interest in getting on with the other. We share important common interests. We are neighbours. Indonesia is the largest country in South-East Asia. How it develops and behaves will influence the strategic balance in our region. It is a significant economic partner for Australia. Australian policy approaches need to take account of the changes that are taking place in Indonesia. We welcome the transition towards democracy that is occurring. In time this will strengthen Indonesia and our capacity to work with it.

We recognise the enormous difficulties that Indonesia faces as it responds to the most serious economic crisis in decades and traverses this political transition. Indeed, the government have been in the forefront in helping Indonesia manage those difficulties and in garnering greater international support and understanding for its problems. We also recognise the complexities of governing a nation of over 200 million people spread over thousands of islands. Successful economic and political management by Indonesia of a united but diverse nation is important for Indonesia's own future stability and prosperity.

But none of this means that Australia's objective can be to maintain a good relationship at all costs or at the expense of doing the right thing according to our own values. We seek a relationship of mutual respect and mutual benefit with Indonesia. On that basis, we look forward to working closely with the new democratically elected government of Indonesia to be formed in the near future. Events in East Timor have put our relationship with Indonesia under great strain. Some resent Australia's efforts to help in East Timor or seek to use us as a scapegoat, but we should keep this in perspective. The criticisms of Australian policy that we have seen and heard in Indonesia are not the only Indonesian voices. There are many people who identify with democracy and support the steps Indonesia is taking in this direction, who are appalled at the total breakdown of security in East Timor and who will understand and sympathise with the response from Australia and the rest of the international community.

We ask those in Australia who exercise their legitimate right of protest to refrain from violence against people and property and not to impede people going about their normal business. Such behaviour is unlawful and will be treated as such. It damages the interests of our own citizens and has a counterproductive effect on Indonesian attitudes. The government is encouraged by the commitment of so many of Indonesia's political leaders to respect the vote cast by the East Timorese. We look forward to the new Indonesian parliament formally deciding to allow East Timor to separate from Indonesia.

When this government came to office some commentators said Asia would not accept us. The comment was revealing in its assumption that Australia had to be invited into a regional framework. It was a view of Australia that underestimated the strengths of Australia's institutions, our economy and our capacity and will to achieve national goals. Our safe passage through the Asian economic storm makes that view even more dated. The truth is that our economic, military and other credentials are respected and give us a capacity to help in the region. Just as we were in a position to assist our neighbours during the Asian economic crisis, so also on East Timor we have shown that we have the capacity under the United Nations to work with our regional partners in putting together a multinational peacekeeping force. It is an example of both our commitment to the region and our capacity to make a constructive and practical contribution to its affairs.

The deployment of Australian troops in East Timor meets the test of national interest in two respects. First, our troops are going in the spirit of Australia's military tradition to defend what our society believes is right. They are not going to occupy territory, impose our will or act against the legitimate interests of another country. They are going at the request of the United Nations with the agreement of East Timor. They are going to defend the choice the East Timorese have exercised for independence in a free vote granted to them by their government with the blessing of the whole international community. They are going in to facilitate the humanitarian relief that is so desperately needed for the hundreds of thousands of displaced people in East Timor.

Our troops are going to East Timor to put an end to the sort of violence we have seen in recent days. Apart from the human cost, this scale of violence undermines Australia's own interests in a stable region. Our troops will prepare the way for the United Nations to undertake the vital task of developing a transitional political and administrative framework for East Timor. For the East Timorese, this offers the hope of reconciliation among groups that have fought each other for decades and the opportunity to create their own future. They have a responsibility to come to grips with these issues. For Indonesia, this means it will more readily be able to concentrate on its nation building task with the full support of the international community.

Madam Deputy President, Australia's contribution to the peacekeeping force in East Timor is the biggest commitment of Australian forces in 30 years. Our men and women go well trained, well led and in a just cause. At this time, our thoughts and prayers are with those in the field as they go to help restore peace and security to a people who themselves once helped Australian soldiers at a time of need and who have suffered much. At home, we undertake to give them our support and to watch over their families while they are away. I commend the motion to the Senate.