Senator TCHEN (11:59 AM) —Madam President, I thank you for the privilege to speak to this assembly for the first time. I offer you my sincere congratulations for your unopposed re-election last Monday. The unanimous and enthusiastic praises offered to you on Monday by all parties on that occasion clearly indicate how well you have occupied this office these past three years. I am sure that your coming term will prove to be equally successful. I should also offer my congratulations to Senator West for her unopposed re-election as Deputy President. I trust that she will accept that what I have just said about you, Madam President, equally applies to her.

It is a great honour for any individual to become a member of the Australian Senate. I am very conscious of that. When I first came to Australia 42 years ago as a young man still at school, the thought of one day becoming a member of the Australian Senate was far from my mind. Indeed, even the possibility of becoming an Australian citizen was not really on the agenda, as I did not expect to stay longer than the completion of my studies. In those days, Australia was still thought of as white Australia. People of Asian background and, indeed, even Europeans of non-British background were not generally welcome as settlers, although the construction of the Snowy Mountains hydro scheme and the inflow of migrants to meet this demand and other labour demands were beginning to cause a change in attitude.

Since then, as a result of continuing urban development coupled with maintenance of a steady inflow of migrants, Australia has grown and changed from an isolated outpost of England, a minor player in the affairs of the British Empire, to be a significant power in the Asia-Pacific region. We were then a supplier of low value primary products to the British Isles. We are now a mixed trading nation strong enough to stand the impact of the East Asian economic meltdown without so much as losing a beat. We were then a cultural backwater best known for being the set of the filming of On the beach, a film about the end of the world. Today we boast some of the most livable cities in the world. We were then an emphatically single culture society. We are now one of the most successful multicultural societies in the world, where people who would have been at each other's throats, had they stayed in the places they came from, now live and work peacefully side by side.

As a nation, we have improved our station significantly. The evolution of our multicultural society is both the cause and the result of this improvement. Today, more than one in three of the adult population of Australia was born in other countries, some of which no longer exist except in memory. More than one in four of the population speaks a language other than English. It is in this context that I think that my election to the Senate has special significance, serving as a reinforcing symbol and a call to those who are Australians by choice that they belong. It is also an act of affirmation by the people of Australia that every Australian, regardless of his or her cultural or historic background, stands equal in the eyes of his or her fellow citizens.

As we enter the 21st century, the world we are in is, in many respects, a place of even greater uncertainty. In this world, Australia, with the advantage of our geography and our history, has the chance to become a source of hope and an example for all to follow. We have a responsibility to make multiculturalism—that means an equal right and opportunity for every citizen to contribute to the growth and development of our common community—work for Australia and contribute to world peace and prosperity.

I am both proud and humbled that I now have the opportunity to be a harbinger of hope from Australia to the rest of the world. This would not be possible without the support and endorsement of the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party and its members have, for many years, given me much appreciated fellowship and encouragement, for which I thank them. I especially thank the Victorian division of the Liberal Party for having the confidence and the courage to choose me by way of a well-proven, merit based preselection process to represent the Liberal Party before the people of Victoria, who were pleased to endorse me.

I am proud and gratified that all this has come to pass and that I am here. My mission now is to serve in the Senate for the advancement of Australia and Australians to the best of my ability, and I shall do so according to the Liberal principles of freedom, responsibility, endeavour and compassion. I am proud to be a long-serving and committed member of the Liberal Party. As Liberals, we share a belief in the fundamental freedoms of man—freedom to think, freedom to choose, freedom to speak and freedom to worship. As a group of individuals, we share a belief that it is not only our right but also our responsibility to develop our aspirations to the best of our ability and to allow others to develop their aspirations in a like manner. We share a belief in compassion and responsibility for our fellow men and women. We share a belief in the moral courage and decency, imagination and creativities of the Australian people. Finally, we share an appreciation of the uniquely Australian values of a fair go, of giving it one's best shot and of mateship.

I acknowledge that our political opponents, the Labor Party, also espouse some values similar to our beliefs. This is fortunate, since it gives us the opportunity of dialogue, though limited because of Labor's obligatory intractabilities. Nonetheless, there is a fundamental difference between us. Our beliefs are founded on the concepts of individual initiatives and individual responsibility. The Labor Party's dogma, on the other hand, denies that the concept of the individual exists or has any beneficial quality. Consequently, the Labor Party does not believe anything should be done by the individual; rather, it believes everything must be done for the individual.

We see this difference most obviously in how members of the Labor Party persistently use the term `the government' as something intrinsically and distinctly different from `the people'. They say, `The government must do this or that,' `Why doesn't the government do that?' and so on. But what is government if it is not the people? Are we not a democracy? Do we not have a government of the people, for the people and by the people? Why should the government and the community of people be separate entities?

If you suppose the government is to be an entity separate from the people who created it, you diminish the people. If you empower the government more than necessary, you diminish the individual's ability to flourish. Every function you allow the government to take over makes the individual less self-reliant. We say the government should have only those functions that individuals, or a cooperative collection of individuals, are not able to carry out efficiently. A government should be only large enough to carry out its designed purposes efficiently. Overall efficiency in the delivery of goods and services in accordance with a community's needs is the final measure of whether government should be involved in an enterprise.

In a democratic society, government is not an end in itself but only the means to achieve an end—the community's gain. Public sector profit is not community wealth unless it generates wealth within a community. Public sector employment creation does not reduce long-term unemployment unless it facilitates and supports the ability of individuals within the community to create new jobs. Therefore, I believe all Australians would endorse the policies that the Howard government has implemented to successfully restore and strengthen Australia's economic framework. I believe the government's planned legislation to further strengthen frameworks for the economy and for employment, education, health and regional services is essential for the betterment of Australia. I shall look forward to making a contribution in critical areas.

I come to the Senate with the single objective of serving the interests of Australia as a senator of Liberal persuasion representing the people of Victoria. I come without a personal agenda or burning issues to champion. Having said this, I do have a number of issues which I would like to lay before senators for their consideration. These are underlying issues. Madam President, as I am not very good at controlling time yet, perhaps you would permit me to raise them later if I have time.

I would now like to give thanks to the many people who have encouraged me and supported me over the years. I recall a Chinese proverb that says, `When at home, one could depend on one's parents for comfort but, when away, one must look to one's friends for support.' I left home at an early age to come to Australia. To get to where I am today, I have been fortunate to have had many such friends to whom I could look and have looked for support. There are too many to thank individually, except those who are present. I hope that absent friends will recognise themselves in those who are here as their representatives. I would like to acknowledge the support and encouragement of these people. I thank the senators on this side, particularly the leadership team; my Victorian colleagues; and Senator Cooney on the other side, a gentleman and a scholar—a member of the Labor Party notwithstanding.

I would also like to say welcome to those who are present from my fellow class of 1999, or the `Y2K minus 1' intake. I know Senator Mason, Senator Ludwig, Senator McLucas and Senator Greig are all part of a generational change that occurs from time to time and which is the underlying strength of our parliamentary system. I wish them a successful and rewarding career. Senator Ridgeway, in addition to being part of this generational change, shares with me the role of demonstrating the affirmative endorsement by the mainstream community of our evolving multicultural society. I wish him well also, and I ask him to convey my respects to the Ngunnawal people. At first sight, Senator Harris and I may appear to be heading in diametrically opposed directions. However, if I understand Senator Harris correctly, he and I have common ground as to some of the problems facing our nation. I hope that we have appropriate opportunities to resolve some of those problems cooperatively.

Up in the gallery, I see Colin Carson, a typical salt-of-the-earth Liberal Party member. With him is Dr Tom Leung, a fourth generation Chinese Australian whose life and achievements—during a period when to be different was to be suspect—helped to change attitudes towards people from different backgrounds. Thank you for coming. From Sydney, I see Hudson Chen and Eve Chen. As a venture capital merchant banker, Hudson represents the benefits the second wave of Asian migration can bring to Australia. Thank you for coming also.

I would be remiss if I failed to mention my lineal predecessor in the Senate. Jim Short was one of the Senate's outstanding quiet achievers. He made his mark during a long career in the Commonwealth parliament, first in the lower house and then, more enduringly, in the Senate. As we all know, his political career was cut short by one of those minute technicalities that from time to time complicate the life of a politician in the manner of a great fuss being made over a small amount of tea being spilt from the cup to the saucer. However, I am pleased to say that, in this case, justice was quickly done. Jim Short has continued to serve Australia's interest from his appointment on the board of the European Reconstruction Bank.

Jim Short's contribution to our nation is not limited to his role in parliament, illustrious as it was. He is best remembered, still, for his long and committed effort to building understanding and coherent bonds between Australia's migrant communities and the mainstream community. He succeeded well; I can attest to that without fear of contradiction. He succeeded in migrant communities not because he looked like a member of one of those communities—he certainly did not—or because he spoke their languages—he did not, nor did he pretend to—or because he made promises about what he could or would do for them—he did not. But he listened. This was not because he always had a rollicking good time—in fact, he often looked distinctly lost at ethnic functions. Jim Short was always accepted and welcome because he was always honest, fair and compassionate, in the archetypical manner of a true-blue Australian, in his dealings with people of different backgrounds. That manner is what gives reassurance and confidence to newcomers to this land. We all owe much to Jim Short and others like him for the vitality and stability of our Australian society.

I said earlier that I had a couple of issues that, if I had time, I would like to raise for senators' consideration. As a professional town planner before I came to the Senate, one of the matters which I had long been conscious of in our developing nation was that, because of the different pace of different kinds of developments over the years, we quite often find significant discrepancies between availability of service by the provider and accessibility to service and facilities by the user. Because of the way that services and facilities are usually measured—they tend to be measured from the provider's point of view—we quite often get a situation, particularly in country regions, where on paper there is quite an adequate supply of services and yet it is extremely difficult for the person on the ground to actually reach them.

I think this is one of the factors which, since 1996 through to 1999, has caused the tremendous political upheaval, particularly in country regions, otherwise known as the One Nation phenomenon. I think this is something which again many other people have noted. I noticed that Senator Payne, in the adjournment debate on Monday night, spoke on the IT disadvantages and information poverty of women, especially in regional areas—this is the sort of thing that I am referring to. The facilities are available on a regional basis, but on the individual basis they are extremely hard to access. I think that is something which we as a nation ought to start thinking about—that is, how to measure availability of service on the basis of access rather than availability.

I see that my time is running short, so perhaps I should close. In closing, Madam President, if I may be allowed to say a few words to my family—my family is up there in the gallery. I want to say to Pauline, my wife, friend and partner of 30 years: thank you—down here is where you should be. To my children, Jacinta and Adrian—Adrian is actually not here; he does not want to miss too many lectures: you have brought us much joy and a little pain from time to time, but it is worth it. I say to my father: when I left home you told me, `You are going to a new country to live among strangers. Always remember who you are and where you came from; always behave in such a way that those who knew you will not be disgraced because the new people that you live with will judge them by you. You should always realise where you are going and who you can be. Always strive for purpose, so that the expectation of those among whom you will live shall not be disappointed, because they will be judged by your success or not.' Father, I hope that I have met your wishes.

The PRESIDENT —Order! Before I call Senator Harris, I remind honourable senators that this is his first speech. I therefore ask that the usual courtesies be extended to him.