Mr PRICE (9:19 PM) —I move:

I can confidently say that all members of this House are appalled by what has occurred in Fiji and what has occurred in the Solomons since I placed that motion on the Notice Paper. It is a matter for regret that we seem to have had so little forewarning of the events in Fiji, although I notice that Duncan Kerr, the shadow minister for justice and customs, is at the table, and he can speak quite vigorously of his efforts some time ago to alert the Australian government to tensions in the Solomons. In moving this motion, I want to say that it fulfils a pledge that I made on Saturday, 27 May when approximately 150 constituents of Indian-Fijian background marched from the Rooty Hill RSL to my office—a very peaceful and orderly march. Clearly, they were very distressed about what was happening in their country of origin. They sought from me an assurance that the government, my party and I would do our utmost to bring some influence to bear on events in Fiji.

Let us not mince words: George Speight, whom I consider to be a terrorist, entered the parliament with armed members of his group and took hostage the democratically elected Prime Minister of the country, other members of his cabinet and also members of parliament. The president of the local group, Mr Uma Chand, and its secretary, Mr Satish Kumar, gave voice in their contributions to the demonstration outside my office to the dismay they felt that Fiji, having after 10 years successfully negotiated one coup and gone back to democracy with a multiracial constitution put in place, now saw all that progress being overturned. The group actually came to Canberra and, whilst because of other commitments I was unable to address them, Annette Ellis, Michael Danby and Kelvin Thomson were. But I was able to talk to the leaders in my office.

I passionately believe that, particularly in matters of defence and foreign affairs, we really should try to find a commonality of agreement in what is in the best interests of the country. I do not think anyone on either side can score points about the reception of the news, the horror they feel and the urgency they feel about the need to rectify the situation and return Fiji to constitutional government. But there are some differences, and I think it is important that we do not try to paper over those differences. For example, on this side we say—our leader really expanded on this—that in the Asia-Pacific Australia is not a middle ranking power. With New Zealand, we have a critical mass in the region. Our views count. We can make our concerns heard and usually, with a great deal of persuasion, acted upon. That is not to say that we want to improperly interfere in other countries, but when a terrorist has seized the parliament should neighbouring countries have their hands in their pockets? I think not.

The Leader of the Opposition and the shadow minister for foreign affairs, Laurie Brereton, were pretty quick off the blocks and have advocated at different points all the things that are contained in my motion. The motion calls for the recall of the Australian High Commissioner. It calls for Fiji's suspension from the Commonwealth, and I notice that Fiji has now been suspended from the Commonwealth. It calls for the cessation of all ministerial and high-level official contacts. But we have not introduced sanctions. In fact, that body that is much criticised in this forum, the ACTU, has instituted sanctions. The now leader of the Great Council of Chiefs and former Prime Minister of Fiji has said that when sanctions were imposed on his government they hurt; they were effective. It is an awful thing to impose economic sanctions, because it may hurt the odd millionaire and it may squeeze the middle class, but the people who really suffer are the working class. At this very moment they are suffering and they will continue to suffer. The damage to Fiji's reputation has been enormous. The economic damage has started in Fiji, and I regret to say it will snowball. But it is the ordinary people of Fiji that really suffer; this hurt and suffering are not going to discriminate. But you have got to be firm on the side of democracy. You cannot give in to terrorists. I do not believe you can give in to them. Happily, in Australia we have not had to make an awful decision about terrorism, but perhaps—and I hope this day will never come—we will. We cannot agree to give in to a terrorist, and that is what George Speight is.

Fiji has a population of some 815,000 people, 51 per cent of whom are indigenous Fijians and 43 per cent of whom are of Indian origin. This coup has served to highlight the divisions within the Fijian community. If the indigenous Fijians are suffering and need to seek redress in the current situation, they should not look to the 12 months of the Labour government in Fiji but to the previous 30 years when the indigenous Fijians ran the country. Admittedly, inequality started with the British in one of their colonial practices that is not to be endorsed of dividing the country and favouring Indians. But for the last 30 years it has been the indigenous Fijians who have led the country. If there has been a malapportionment of wealth, of skills and of education, look not to the Indians, because they had not been running the country, nor had the Chaudhry government. It has been in for only 12 months.

I wanted to say many things, but the one thing I want to finish on is that, whatever we may say about Rabuka leading the first coup, at least he had the courage to introduce the new multiracial constitution that has currently been overturned. Fijians need to give democracy a further try. It is a difficult system, but I cannot think of a system—as Winston Churchill said—that is better. Australia is a good example of where people of not just two races but of many races can live together. (Time expired)

Mr DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Mossfield)—Is the motion seconded?

Mrs Irwin —I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.