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Tuesday, 18 June 1996
Page: 2160


Dr SOUTHCOTT(10.55 p.m.) —In the last sitting week the member for Werriwa (Mr Latham) and the member for Melbourne (Mr Tanner) made an allegation that `tories signed up for a bit of fascism in the 1930s' and that `your mob were supportive of Mussolini and Co.' These allegations are offensive, typical Labor revisionism and a distortion of the historical record. In fact, on substantive issues of foreign policy, the United Australia Party in the 1930s did oppose Mussolini and Hitler and revealed a profound distrust for these fascist dictators.

In his book Isolationism and appeasement in Australia, E.M. Andrews has shown that in Australia defenders of the Axis powers were mainly limited to certain Catholic commentators, the Bulletin, and small groups and individuals in the lunatic fringe such as the New Guard. The UAP does not get a mention.

In 1933 Robert Menzies publicly defended parliamentary democracy, which he distinguished from dictatorial control. When Mussolini invaded Abyssinia in 1935, Joseph Lyons and his Attorney-General, Robert Menzies, imposed sanctions on Italy. Do you know who opposed them? Lang Labor and then subsequently the ALP. In fact, the ALP was the only Labor organisation in the world to oppose those sanctions. For the member for Werriwa's information, things have not changed all that much. During that parliamentary debate there were seven quorums called. To quote E.M. Andrews, `The Labor Party stressed past League failures as an excuse for backing Mussolini.'

In 1936, when Hitler occupied the Rhineland, several cabinet ministers were very bitter about the Germans. Their suspicion of Hitler was shown when Sir George Pearce, the Minister for External Affairs, rejected German arguments for the return of Australia's mandate in New Guinea. That rejection was reaffirmed by Lyons in 1938. Even after the fall of Abyssinia, Menzies gave Anthony Eden the impression that he wished to continue sanctions against Italy.

Rather than supporting Mussolini, the imposition of sanctions made an enemy of him and led to the formation of the Axis between Italy and Germany. During the Spanish Civil War the Australian government was worried about Franco's methods of warfare and supported appeals to Franco to desist from bombing towns.

In 1937, the Australian government and the Department of External Affairs were suspicious of fascist influence in the Mediterranean, Australia's trade and defence lifeline at that time. In 1939 Australia, along with many other countries, guaranteed support for Poland if invaded by Hitler. At that time there were cabinet ministers such as Gullett who said the Nazi regime was predatory and aggressive and Sir Charles Marr pointed to atrocities inside Germany. Just remember, in 1940, after the fall of France, Australia was the third major country in the alliance against fascism.

In another Commonwealth country, South Africa, there was a relatively narrow parliamentary vote in favour of South Africa joining the Allies as opposed to remaining neutral. Many subsequent leaders of that country were Nazi sympathisers and actively worked during the war to hinder the Allied effort. To suggest that Australia has a tradition like that is wrong. In Australia there were no quislings. To suggest that Menzies and Lyons would have been happy to set up a Vichy-style government is wrong.

What about the ALP when they were in government? In 1943, Arthur Calwell, when a minister, called for Italia Libera, an anti-fascist organisation, to go out of existence. He also appointed a leading fascist to be the unofficial Italian liaison officer in Australia.

I do not suggest Calwell and the ALP supported the fascists. They did not. But if banning anti-Nazi plays indicated fascist support, then the Labor controlled Collingwood Council was also guilty. If administering that infamous Gaelic test to Egon Kisch was tacit fascist support, then it is worth remembering that that movement against war and fascism was also opposed by the Melbourne Trades Hall Council and the Victorian Labor Party.

Lyons was determined to avoid another world war. In following appeasement they were sensitive to the criticism of dictators. But look at the sort of people who were criticising the dictators. Eric Baume, who is an uncle of a current Liberal senator, was a fierce critic of the Nazis. He was such a strong critic that he was taken off 2GB.

My contention is that it is drawing a long bow to confuse appeasement with supporting fascism. Lyons and Menzies put sanctions on Mussolini, would not give New Guinea back to Hitler and by the end of the decade were at war with the fascists. They were not supporters of the fascists.